MusicSarreV3, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 000F22

Book Reviews/Comptes Rendus

Identifieur interne : 000F22 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000F21; suivant : 000F23

Book Reviews/Comptes Rendus

Auteurs :

Source :

East Central Europe [ 0094-3037 ] ; 1978.

RBID : ISTEX:93D816188C0BCDCABFF717782BBD8D6F8CDAD8A9

English descriptors

Teeft :
- American women, Austria, Austrian, Baranya, Bardejov, Bibliography, Bohemia, Bohemian, Brock, Central europe, Central powers, Character sketches, Columbia university press, Communist party, Crown prince rudolph, Czech, Czech lands, Czech literature, Czech workers, Czechoslovak, Czechoslovakia, Czechoslovakindependence movement, Dual monarchy, East european, Eastern europe, Fairnessand justice, First time, First years, Habsburg, Habsburg monarchy, Hasek, Higher education, Historiography, Hungarian, Hungarian revolution, Hungary, Illus, Important aspect, Important role, Infrastructure, Infrastructure expenditures, Jersey institute, Josef, Jozef, Kadar, Karl bosl, Main themes, Monarchy, Monograph, National socialism, Nineteenth century, Other hand, Other scholars, Other times, Pauley, Prague, Prague spring, Praha, Present volume, Professor whiteside, Radical intellectuals, Same time, Scholarly apparatus, Secondary sources, Serbian, Shawcross, Slav, Slavic, Slovak, Slovak language, Slovakia, Social democrats, Socialist countries, Soviet union, Twentieth century, Universityof, Welcome addition, Whiteside, Zach.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/document/93D816188C0BCDCABFF717782BBD8D6F8CDAD8A9/fulltext/pdf

DOI: 10.1163/187633078X00052

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:93D816188C0BCDCABFF717782BBD8D6F8CDAD8A9

Le document en format XML

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 <body>
 <p>BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS European Bibliography of Soviet, East European and Slavonic Studies. Edited by Thomas Hnik. Vol. I. Birmingham: University of Birmingham Press, 1977. xxxvii, 437 pp. $12.00 paper. This new bibliography was born from the merger of two older ones, "Travaux et pub- lications parus en frangais en ... sur la Russie et fURSS," which appeared as a section in the Cahiers du monde russe et soviètique, and Soviet, East European and Slavonic Studies in Britain, and it promises to be a worthy counterpart to the American Bibliog- raphy of Slavic and East European Studies. The new bibliography covers French, British, and German publications on the Communist countries of Eastern Europe-Turkey and Greece are not included-and concentrates on books and articles in magazines and jour- nals, although British newspaper articles of a scholarly character are included. The publication is divided into three parts: Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, Soviet Union, and Eastern Europe. Each part is then subdivided according to a standard scheme of twelve subdivisions with the exception of the part on Eastern Europe, which is sub- divided according to country with each country then subdivided according to the above scheme. These subdivisions are in turn divided again, which results in reasonably narrow subject fields making it easy to find what one is looking for. Works by and about an author are classified in each of the three parts under section 11.6.6; an author index guarantees access to articles of which one knows the author only and not the exact sub- ject. Book reviews are listed together with the reviewed work, or, if the book itself is not included in the bibliography, at the end of each section, where one also finds a list of cross-references. The bibliography fulfills a longfelt need by making most of Europe's scholarship on Communist Eastern Europe available in one publication. Especially valuable is the inclu- sion of many emigre publications, which scholars so easily overlook. One regrets that this publication does not (yet?) include the work done in Italy and in the Scandinavian and Benelux countries with their long tradition of Slavic scholarship, and one hopes future issues will include these countries, and Spain as well. The European Bibliography of Soviet, East European and Slavonic Studies is a most valuable new publication which should be in every college or university library. G. Koolemans Beynen The Ohio State University Hugh Seton-Watson. Nations and States: An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1977. xv, 563 pp. $25.00. I do nut believe that any particular h'isturiai-i-ceitairuy not this on±-15 competent to write an adequate review of Professor Seton-Watson's book. It aspires to cover the se- mantics of nationalism, the basic social issues germane to it, its history on five conti- nents, and comparisons of its evolution frequently in parts of the world separated from each other by oceans and ages. Obviously any reviewer could easily pick numerous points of disagreement in sundry places. He could, however, merely touch upon specific aspects of the book without making its-in the literal sense-Catholic spirit come alive. Yet, if no reviewer is competent to evaluate the book, the more important question arises: was the author competent to write it? Even if one takes the most liberal approach to the question of legitimacy of synoptic views of history, the answer would have to be,</p>
 <p>106 no. To mention only one obvious point, the scholarly equipment required to cover a basic but specific ethnic, social, and psychological issue in all parts of the world present and past is not given to any mortal, however erudite and brilliant. Certainly nationalism does not lend itself to facile generalization as easily as for instance the problem of revo- lution treated in so many contemporary books. And yet I cannot help thinking of the wisdom of Hans Sachs's observation in Wagner's "Die Meistersinger von Niimberg" that the strength of a rule is proved by the fact that it allows for an occasional exception. Several odious comparative histories in narrower fields than Professor Seton-Watson's book have confirmed convincingly the soundness of the rule. It is for the author of Nations and States to prove the soundness of the excep- tion. By the strength of his previous outstanding publications, the width of his know- ledge, and above all the fertility of his ideas and the brilliance of his style, he has made his rare case successfully. Non bis in idem should be the warning signal of this book for the author's professional colleagues. With this in mind historians may peruse Nations and States with the same delight as many a general reader. RobertA. Kann University of Vienna Fürst, Bürger, Mensch. Untersuchungen zu politischen und soziokulturellen Wandlungs- prozessen im vorrevolutionären Europa. Herausgegeben von Friedrich Engel-Janosi, Grete Klingenstein, und Heinrich Lutz. München: R. Oldenbourg, 1975. 242 pp. DM 48.-Paper. In this collection of studies by seven students of early modern Europe, one encounters the disparate interests, approaches, and methodologies of contemporary historical scholar- ship. One is not led to expect mutually supporting structures of narrative or argument. Nor do we get them. Essays are arranged in three thematic divisions. In the first, devoted to "Der Fiirst: Person und Kultur," Ragnhild Hatton persuasively argues on the basis of newly found source material for a George I quite different from the textbook image pro- jected of him. Examining his personal life as well as his diplomcay, Professor Hatton raises our estimates of the king. No longer a "blockhead," George is subtle enough to be marked off as an "elusive" ruler and as a reconciler of Britain to the Austrian Habsburgs. Renate Wagner-Rieger also contributes to the cultural delineation of eighteenth-century monarchs via a most interesting comparison of Habsburg and other-royal styles of archi- tecture. The second portion of this volume is entitled "Politik und Verfassung." It includes a . thought-provoking essay by Alfred Kohler on the Holy Roman Empire in the mid-1780s, an archaic giant challenged in its organizational structure by new federative schemes and by Austro-Prussian rivalry. Kohler's analysis is nicely complemented by Gerald Stourzh's discussion of the evolution of the concepts of constitution and constitutionalism from their Aristotelian moorings. "Fami7ie, Menschheit und Biirgeturm," the third and largest division, offers Urs Bit- terli on the now welltrodden though still poignant theme of the Enlightenment's intel- lectual encounter with non-European man, while Michael Mitterauer, in an enormously complex study, analyzes family and household patterns in Austria. It is a welcome sup- plement to those studies that, hitherto, have been produced mostly by French and Anglo- American researchers. Finally, Walter Markov makes the most spirited of all the volume's contributions in "1789: Burger Zwischen Aufklarung und Revolution." Generally, he supports the thesis of Albert Soboul and others concerning the opportunistic-as distinct from the revolutionary-character of the bourgeoisie up to 1793. This is not calculated to comfort non-controversialists. Charles K. Krantz New Jersey Institute of Technology</p>
 <p>107 Franz Zagiba. Musikgeschichte Mitteleuropas von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des 10. Jahrhundert. "Forschungen zur älteren Musikgeschichte." Band I. Wien: Verband der wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaften Osterreichs, 1976. Illus. 160 pp. öS 295.- The present publication is the first of three projected volumes concerned with the history of music in Central Europe. Franz Zagiba is an established scholar with an ex- tensive list of publications. That his plan was formulated more than twenty years ago . immediately raises one's expectations for a definitive work. Unfortunately, the book has some shortcomings which must qualify its acceptance. The present volume covers the first millenium of the Christian era up to 976. It is in three parts: (1) From primeval and early history to the end of folk migration, (2) From the termination of folk migration to the end of the tenth century, and (3) Music in Central Europe in pictures. The last .part contains twenty-four plates with seventy-two iconographical illustrations for Parts 1 and 2. In Part 1 Zagiba factually summarizes information about musical instrument discoveries and iconographical evi- dence of musical instruments and performers. The principal weakness in Zagiba's treatment is that he tends to discuss only the developments of the Western Church and how they affect events emanating from the East and Byzantium. Specifically, he begins in Part 2 with a discussion of the general cultural-historical foundations of Western music: the Roman Empire and the new settlers north of the Alps. In reviewing Carolingian treatises he incorrectly attributes the Musica Enchiriadis and the Scholia to Hucbald. Most of his observations about the West are based on research by other scholars. He acknowledges the need for the study of centers of activity in Central and Eastern Europe, namely Tulln and Mosapurc- Zalavar. His failure to address this problem is made evident when one refers to the bril- liant study by Francis Dvomik, Byzantine Missions Among the Slavs (New Brunswick, N.J., 1970), either overlooked or ignored by Zagiba. Zagiba circumvents a proper dis- cussion of the Slavic influence of Cyril and Methodius on the Great Moravian Empire. He maked only slight reference to archaeological discoveries, but does not clearly docu- ment the existence of the foundations of at least sixteen stone churches (c. 800) of non-Bavarian origin, which prove conclusively that Southern Moravia and not Tulln was the center of the Moravian Empire. Many other details reveal his bias favoring Western developments. He quotes Egon Wellesz out of context to cast an unfavorable light on his Eastern Elements in Western Chant (Oxford, 1947). Zagiba's approach to the topic is very restricted. What emerges is a compilation of literature and studies of specific problems without an intuitive grasp or understanding of the total subject. The bibliography is not complete. The writing style and organiza- tion are awkward and unwieldy. This book is not a definitive study. Jaroslav Mrácek San Diego State University Iván T. Berend and György Ránki. East Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. 1977. 164 pp. $12.00. This book of pleasing appearance is hallmarked by the names of its authors and publisher. Regrettably, in this instance the hallmark fails to carry a full guarantee of quality. Undue haste in marketing may be the reason. The following flaws should have been eliminated by the editor before publication: The Hohenzollern Prince Charles did not become tsar but king of Romania in 1881 1 (p. 56). The secession of the Bulgarian Church from Greek Orthodoxy in 1860 did not mark "the first important step toward an independent Bulgarian civilization" (p. 72).</p>
 <p>108 The Montenegrin ruler who proclaimed himself king in 1910 (p. 54) is known to English- speaking historians not as Nikola but rather as Nikita or Nicholas. That some years prior to his proclamation he had accepted a pocket watch as a present from the Habs- burg Emperor Francis Joseph (p. 54) strikes the reader as a non sequitur. The Bolsheviks and Lenin did not "destroy the Tsarist regime" (p. 78). Nicholas II and his brother abdicated on 15-16 March 1917 effectively in favor of the provisional government of Prince Lvov; Lenin did not reach the Finland Station in Petrograd until 16 April of that year. The Hungarian különitményesek after World War I were not in toto identical with ."Horthy and his gentry-military clique" (p. 80). These freebooters existed as peripheral groups on the extreme right wing of the counter-revolutionary regime and were sup- pressed by Horthy's Prime Minister Teleki on 10 November 1920. The Baranya region was not transferred from Hungary to Yugoslavia with a Hungarian majority (p. 82): the Treaty of Trianon of 1920 awarded to Yugoslavia only 23.4 percent (1,193 square kilometers) of the region (county), the so-called Danube-Drava triangle, which was populated by a South Slav majority. No "new Polish Kingdom" (p. 83) was established after World War I. Thomas Masaryk was President of the Czechoslovak National Council sitting in Paris and in that capacity only nominal, civilian head of the Czechoslovak Legion which was fighting its way across Siberia in 1918 (p. 126). The cordon sanitaire of the 1920s was not built around the Soviet Union but rather on its western approaches (p. 140). Further evidence of haste in publication is provided by the appearance of dramatis personae without introduction (Marshal Antonescu on p. 146); by repetitious narration (the Arrow Cross coup of 15 October 1945, frst on p. 157 and then again on p. 159); and. by the transliteration of Slavic words and names according to Hungarian ortho- graphy in disregard of English spelling. Few Western (or Eastern) readers will recognize csorbadzsi 32))as chorbaji or tfop6a.,¡:p¡œ;,Cankov'(PP. 133-34)las Tsankov or uaHKOB;- :. Alekszi (p. 73) as Alexi or AneKeH;and Miszal (p. 73) as the nineteenth-century Bulgar- ian periodical MHcLn (Thought). Contrary to its title, the book covers only the first forty-five years of the twentieth century. This allows discusion of East Central Europe in the Nazi but not in the Soviet orbit. The best parts of the book are those dealing with economic history; they are reminiscent of the authors' (and publisher's) excellent Economic Development of East Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Leslie C. Tihany Fort Thomas, Kentucky Folke Lindberg and György Ránki. Hungary and Sweden: Early Contacts, Early Sources Budapest: Akad � miai Kiadó, 1975. 122 pp. $4.00. This compact little volume represents a pioneer effort on the heretofore unexplored territory of Scandinavian-Hungarian relations. It is the first of a series of Swedish-Hun- garian Historical Studies, sponsored by the Swedish-Hungarian Historical Committee. As a result of a common effort of Hungarian and Swedish scholars, the book consists of two parts. In the first part, the Hungarian contribution is represented by an essay of Gy6rgy Szekely, dealing with Norman-Hungarian contacts in the Middle Ages, and also with re- lations between Hungary and Sweden in later periods. The second part contains a detailed list of source-material concerning Swedish-Hungarian relations, compiled by the Swedish National Archives. Gydrgy Sze kely's essay, entitled "Hungary and Sweden-Historical Contacts and Par- allels in the Middle Ages," originally was read as a lecture in the Department of History of the University of Stockholm. As the author points out, the earliest contacts between</p>
 <p>109 medieval Hungary and Norman-Scandinavia probably were commercial. Hungarian silver coins were circulating and even counterfeited in Sweden in the eleventh and twelfth cen- turies. The dissemination of Hungarian coins can partly be attributed to Norman knights or mercenaries who presumbaly entered Hungary with the emigrant Arpid prince, An- drew, when he returned, in 1046, from his exile in Kiev to contest the throne of Hungary against Peter Orseolo, nephew of St. Stephen. According to the author, the presence of Normans in medieval Hungary can be inferred from certain place-names in Hungary, e.g., Várong, which could derive from the name Varagian (Vaering in Scandinavian, Barrangoi in Greek), used in medieval Russia to designate the Scandanavian merchant-warriors who laid down the foundations of the Kievan state. Among the various contacts and parallels cited by the author, one event merits special attention. In 1423, Sigismund of Luxemburg, German emperor and King of Hungary, in- vited Eric, King of Denmark, Sweden and Norway, to his court in Buda in order to bring about a settlement with the Union of Kalmar over a dispute concerning Schleswig-Hol- stein. ' _ The.second part of the book consists of a registry of Swedish royal correspondence, followed by a detailed catalogue of diplomatic correspondence, dispatches, and reports, dated in major part prior to 1660 and found in various Swedish collections. Each docu- ment has either direct bearing on Swedish-Hungarian relations or refers to Hungarian af- fairs in connection with the Ottoman-Turkish presence in Hungary, the treatment of the Protestants in Habsburg Hungary, or Transylvanian affairs. In Swedish-Hungarian rela- . tions, Transylvania played an important role during the Thirty Years' War, when Swede found a natural ally in the Protestant prince of Transylvania, Gabor Bethlen. Bethlen's marriage to Catherine of Brandenburg brought him in family relationship to King Gus- tavus Adolphus whose wife, Queen Maria Elenora, was Catherine's sister. While numerous notes to Szekely's essay are very useful, the essay itself is overly bur- dened with detail, all condensed in a somewhat haphazard way within the limitations of a brief lecture. The registry of royal correspondence and the catalogue of diplomatic source material, which constitute more than two-thirds of the book, can serve as extremely valuable guides to the scholar who is interested in Swedish-Hungarian relations, or who is in search of source material concerning the history of seventeenth-century Transylvania. Andor Urbansky University of Bridgeport Edsel Walter Stroup. Hungary in Early 1848: The Constitutional Struggle against Ab- solutism in Contemporary Eyes. "Program in East European and Slavic Studies of the State University of New 'York, College at Buffalo," No. 11. Buffalo, N. Y.: Hungarian Cultural Foundation, 1977. 261 pp. illustrations and maps. $8.50. The author's central theme is the constitutional history of Hungary and the Hungar- ians' protracted struggle against the centralist and absolutist tendencies of the Habs- burgs. He opens with a lengthy exposition of Hungary's constitutional evoiuuon from the time of the 4pid dynasty, a conscientious but needless exercise. His main source for this account of the major components of Hungarian constitutional principles and practices is the Histoire des institutions publiques hongroises by Charles d 'Eszláry (Paris, 1959-65). Aside from his overreliance on this work, in view of the fact that he was unable to do archival research in Hungary, Stroup has based himself on an impres- sive array of published documents, contemporary journals, parliamentary records and eyewitness and participants' accounts, not to mention respectable recent and order secondary sources. His diligent study of these and a lively sense of history have led him . to produce a clear, objective, informative and very useful book. From it there emerges</p>
 <p>110 a well-limned picture of Hungary's transformation from a semifeudal society into a modern one and the development of its parliament of estates into a classic liberal one. There is a well-balanced correlation of events in Hungary with those elsewhere in the Habsburg lands and the rest of Western Europe. Stroup correctly considers the Hun- garian Revolution to have been both an integral part of the revolutions that swept Europe and a specific Hungarian episode with its own peculiar character. A remarkable feature of the book is Stroup's treatment of the reports to the British ambassador in Vienna by Joseph Andrew Blackwell, the British agent in Hungary, who was a shrewd observer of the course of the Diet in Pozsony and of later happenings in Pest. This orig- inal research into a British eyewitness's observations is a colorful and welcome contribu- tion of great value. The book's strong points are its sharp understanding and description of the Hun- garian liberals' program and actions, of their insistence (and particularly Kossuth's) on the need for constitutional reform in the rest of the Habsburg territories, and of the Habsburg court's obstructiveness. These form the kernel of Stroup's investigation and are handled very well indeed, objectively and precisely. The author, a young American scholar who has mastered Hungarian, shows an extraordinary sensitivity for Hungarian history. This work is a welcome addition to the English historiography of East Central Europe and especially of Hungary in the mid- nineteenth century. Béla K. Király Brooklyn College and the Graduate School of the City University of New York Laszlo Deme. The Radical Left in the Hungarian Revolution of 1848. Boulder, Colo.: East European Quarterly, 1976. x, 162 pp. $12.00. (Distributed by Columbia Univer- sity Press.) There have been striking similarities, as well as differences, between the attitudes and practices of various revolutionary intellectuals, whether of a leftist or rightist variety. Re- markably interesting comparisons, as well as contrasts, can be made, for instance, between the idealism, spirit of self-sacrifice and dedication, and courage, but also the intolerance, naivete, lack of realism, and, finally, disillusionment, of radical intellectuals during such disparate periods of revolutionary or emotional crisis as the French Revolution; the revo- lutionary movements of 1848-49, whether in Vienna, Buda-Pest, Paris, Berlin, Frankfurt, or elsewhere; the revolutionary extremists in tsarist Russia in the 1870s and 1880s; the desperate Romanian followers of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu; the youthful champions of National Socialism in Germany in the 1920s and 1930s and in Austria in the 1930s; and the extremist students and other youths in Europe and the United States in the second half of the 1960s and in Germany and Italy in the late 1970s. Any scholar wishing to embark upon a comparative study of the radicalism of intellectuals during periods of .crisis such as those mentioned will find Laszlo Deme's The Radical Left in the Hungarian Revolution of 1848, which is based on the key published primary and secondary sources, although not on archival materials, a well-researched, well-thought-out, and well-written study on which to base his comparisons of the Hungarian radical leftists of 1848 with other radical groups. After summarizing the background of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 in two brief introductory chapters, the author discusses the ideals, political and nationalist concepts, revolutionary tactics, and successes and failures of the Hungarian radical left from March, 1848, until the beginning of the war in September of the same year, when, in Deme's words, "the radical cause merged with the national cause, and the radicals became the ,</p>
 <p>111 champions of the national cause above all" (p. 115). The main focus is not on happenings in Pozsony (Pressburg, Bratislava) but on the actions of the radical youth at Buda and Pest, whose 15 March demonstration is still celebrated as the Hungarian national holiday. Deme makes a sharp differentiation between the idealism, courage, and restless activism, but also the immaturity and nalvet6, of the radical intellectuals, who were greatly under the spell of the concepts of the French Revolution, and the more practical and realistic . activism of the radicals in the diet and subsequently in the national assembly. He points out that, unlike the leftist intelligentsia in Vienna, the Hungarian radicals lacked all sym- pathy for and understanding of the problems of the urban workers and the landless peas- antry. Also, they did not understand the reasons why the subject nationalities wanted the same freedoms which the Magyars had gained, although they were, as the author points out, much more sympathetic to the nationalities than the diet or the cabinet. Through the frequent street demonstrations which they organized, the radical intellec- tuals gained great influence and put pressure on the diet and later on the national assem- bly to enact many reforms that they might otherwise have rejected. The Committee of Public Safety created on 15 March which they dominated, behaved "as an 'authorized supervisor' over the Diet" (p. 33), and the Society of Equality, founded in July, which developed a rival doctrine to that of the ministry, exerted strong pressure on the national assembly to do its bidding. This reviewer disagrees with the author over the spelling of a few words and regrets the fact that various typographical errors have unfortunately crept into the book, but he believes that Deme's monograph is an excellent study which makes a significant contri- bution to the ever-growing literature on the 1 848-49 revolutionary movements. R. John Rath Rice University György Szabad. Hungarian Political Trends Between the Revolution And The Compro- mise, 1849-1867. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1977. 184 pp. $11.00. This is a well-researched, impressively documented, scholarly monograph. In this country we would call it revisionist history; in Hungary it bears the establishment's stamp of approval. Ever since its inception, the Austro-Hungarian Ausgleich or Compromise has been subject of a debate between scholarly protagonists and antagonists. The former, whose work reflected the views of the pre-World War II establishments in Hungary, con- tended that the Compromise was a good thing. The latter, mostly abroad but also inside Hungary, maintained with increasing vehemence that the Compromise of 1867 was an untenable political mistake. , Szadad's new book upholds the view of the opinion the Compromise was bad because it was an arrangement made between the Habsburgs and Hungary's erstwhile rulers, and "not a compact among the nations of Hungary and of the [Austrian] Empire" (p. 167). This is a statement only too true, but it begs the question whether a treaty, an agreement, or a compromise can be negotiated and conciuded between nations except through their political leaders. Szabad sees the Compromise arising out of the opportunism of the nine- teenth-century Hungarian political traditionalists, who disregarded the farsightedness of the Hungarian "Left" of the day. His prewar forerunners who wrote on the Compromise held that the 1867 arrangement, which brought forth the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, was the triumph of the pragmatic sagacity of the centrist conservatives led by Ferenc Deak, who accomplished their great political task with disregard for the impetuosity of romantic revolutionaries. Szabad holds that in 1867 the Hungarian nations had a choice between the Compromise with the Habsburgs and the plan for a Danubian Confederation worked out by the exiled Lajos Kossuth. In this reviewer's opinion, admirable and fore-</p>
 <p>112 sighted as Kossuth's confederation plan may have been, it could not be an alternative for . the Compromise, because it could be only plotted and promoted by a handful of revolu- tionaries out of power; whereas the Compromise could be and was negotiated by a do- mestic political leadership in a position to provide a quid pro quo on every negotiating point. In the historical perspective of more than a century, both the traditionalists who made the Compromise and the revolutionaries who opposed it were prophets in their own country. The antagonists were right to the extent that the Compromise lasted only half a century and tied Hungary to the Central Powers, who were punished, and not to the other Danubian nations, which were rewarded, by the victors in 1918. But the pro- tagonists were right in the short range, because Austro-Hungarian dualism born of the Compromise of 1867 made possible until 1918 the maintenance of the European balance of power by preventing the opening of a political vacuum north of the Lower Danube. It enabled the peoples of the Monarchy to live, in spite of unjustifiable national and social inequalities, in security and peace surrounded by a simulacrum of permanence. It is a good thing that Szabad has shown us the other side of the coin, so that we can now have a fuller view of the Hungarian political trends which led to the Compromise more than a century ago. Eva Palmai's translation runs along for pages like idiomatic En- glish prose. Leslie C. Tihany Fort Thomas, Kentucky Steven Bela Vardy. Modem Hungarian Historiography. Boulder, Co.: East European Quarterly, 1976. 333 pp. $16.50. Distributed by Columbia University Press. One of the areas most neglected by Hungarian historians has been the development . and character of their own discipline. The book under review is one of the few studies concerning this subject which have been appearing since the early 1970s. (This reviewer's 1972 doctoral dissertation was one of the earliest attempts to write a philosophically- grounded study of modern Hungarian historiography.) Hungarian historians have also given evidence of an interest in this subject and the new ten-volume history of Hungiry now in the process of publication will include a volume concerning historiography. Var- dy's book, however, is without a doubt the most comprehensive study of twentieth-cen- tury Hungarian historiography presently available and its value is further enhanced by the inclusion of a series of introductory chapters about developments before 1900. One of the obvious virtues of this book is its relative completeness when dealing with twentieth-century developments (which, after all, is its major concern), although there are some surprising omissions even here (the work of Mihaly Ferdinindy and Church his- tory are but two examples). This relative completeness is also evident in the notes and bibliography; Vardy has compiled a tremendous amount of information and other scholars working in this field will certainly be aided by his meticulous efforts. However, he has not, I think, produced a synthesis of these developments, in spite of the numerous very apt and sound judgments concerning individual historians and their works. The work is not a synthesis because it lacks a connecting strand of thought and organizing principles. The chapters follow each other without any perceivable pattern and there is also some chronological overlapping which, while unaviodable in a book of this type, can be compensated for with an organizing principle. Some scholars, for example Peter Vaczy, are discussed in at least three or four chapters, and this tends to diffuse our understand- ing of their role in the development of modem Hungarian historical scholarship. This situation is sufficiently evident in the book to be noted. The use of philosophical categories (there is some confusion in the use of philosophi-</p>
 <p>113 cal terminology) may have served as an organizing principle. However, in the specific context of Hungarian historiography, this requires a clarification of the extremely con- fused and complex intellectual and philosophical situation characteristic of Hungarian scholarly life during the twentieth century. The virtually untranslatable German concept of Geistesggeschichte has generally been used to characterize inter-war Hungarian histor- iography. However, as Vardy so compellingly demonstrates, the older positivistic orienta- tion and the persistence of varied manifestations of national romantic attitudes contin- ued to contribute to the variegated pattern of Hungarian historical scholarship. While this was certainly the case, the Geistesgeschichte orientation, conceived of as a complex, multifaceted, essentially idealistic, and obviously anti-materialistic conception of history was nonetheless the dominant approach to the study of the past in its various forms. Even the opponents of Szekfü (whose role as the dominant figure in the Geistesgeschichte orientation is, at least in the judgment of this reviewer, somewhat overemphasized) ob- jected more to his understanding and particular use of this complex of idealist views, than to the idealist character of his philosophical outlook. An anti-materialist philosophy of history was certainly dominant (but by no means exclusive) during the inter-war era of Hungarian intellectual life. These criticisms of the philosophical dimension of the book, however, must be sup- plemented by a discussion of its praiseworthy features. The already alluded to complete- ness is its most obvious and valuable characteristic. We finally have a reliable, reasonably complete, and judicious account of modem Hungarian historiography. Some aspects of this account are better than others. For example, the discussion of the ethno-history school of Elem6r Milyusz is outstanding and based upon both the published works and interviews with Milyusz himself. Also of interest, but not integrated into the other as- pects of the development of Hungarian historiography, is the discussion of East European studies in inter-war Hungary. Thomas Szendrey Gannon College Peter Pastor. Hungary Between Wilson and Lenin: The Hungarian Revolution of 1918- 1919 and the Big Three. Boulder, Co.: East European Quarterly, 1976. 191 pp. $13.00. (Distributed by Columbia University Press) In the aftermath of World War I, President Wilson attempted to deliver on his prom- ise to "make the world safe for democracy," which implied fairness and justice in inter- national relations. In the still hate-filled atmosphere of 1919, this principle was abused by all sides but, ironically, Wilson had more sincere friends in the defeated countries than among his own allies. After all, the humiliated conservative Old Guard of the Central Powers had been beaten into exile or retirement, and men of the democratic left were in power. In this situation, principles of fairness and justice exerted a stronger attraction for the defeated, since the European victors would have had to pay the price of diminished gains and tarnished prestige, had they followed the path of moderation and self-restraint. In Hungary's newly born democratic republic, a leftist government imbued with Wilsonian ideals and eventually prepared to submit territorial questions to plebiscites as the best means of insuring national self-determination had to suffer the humiliation of the country's de facto dismemberment by neighboring states. The result was under- standable, even if not necessarily inevitable. In March, 1919, Hungary became a soviet republic, and Lenin replaced Wilson as the supreme guide for future action. Apart from the fact that alliance with Soviet Russia presented the sole alternative to abject sur- render, Leninism also offered an alternate vision of fairness and justice. It was Hungary's</p>
 <p>114 tragedy that idealism in both these forms proved to be a deception, one because of actual Entente policies and the other by virtue of its dogmatic rigidity. Pastor has written an illuminating study of the transition from Wilson to Lenin in Hungary. The book concentrates on the external pressures borne by the Hungarian republic, rightly so because grave domestic difficulties were dwarfed by comparison to the threat emanating from Belgrade, Bucharest, Prague, and Paris. Using an abundance of primary and secondary sources, Pastor has correctly assessed the role of France as the prime mover behind a new territorial arrangement in Central Europe, which succeeded in establishing a French sphere of influence but failed to secure stability in the long run and brought about the Bela Kun regime in the short run. The best parts of the book stress the irony of how France and its minor allies, par- ticularly Czechoslovakia, conducted their campaign against Hungary in the name of anti- bolshevism, while creating the most fertile conditions for bolshevism within Hungary. "The paradox of the Czech arguments vis a vis Hungary was evident," Pastor writes (p. 68). "The Czechs presented themselves as champions of anticommunism, but by cutting off coal supplies to Hungary they encouraged the development of discontent there, which could in turn breed communism." Nevertheless, the author avoids blanket condemnations. Eager as France was to please its Central/East European and Balkan allies by isolating a dismembered Hungary, Pastor shows that the French military commanders were not of one mind and that hard-line positions against Hungary were not taken by consensus or without some con- cern for the consequences. The book also illustrates the fateful attitude concerning Hungary which England and the United States adopted. Notwithstanding the occasional disapproval of some Englishmen and Americans, including Lloyd George, Lewis Namier, and George Creel, the French were given virtual carte blanche in executing their plans. The burden of responsibility falls particularly heavily on the United States, because the very principles endorsed by Wilson and embraced by the ruling parties and the gov- ernment of Hungary were being violated. A sharp American protest might not have resulted in a tangible change of Entente policy, but it might have saved millions of Hungarians from utter disillusionment with Wilson, which prepared their subsequent acceptance of bolshevism. Pastor's book demonstrates how the combination of French hostility and Anglo-American detachment helped to usher in communist rule in Hun- gary, where this ideology had no roots, neither among the workers, nor the intellectuals, and least of all among the predominant segment of the population, the peasants. Appearances to the contrary, the author is devoid of a Hungarian nationalist bias. He does not defend Great Hungary, but rather objects to a reversal of injustice. In the first two chapters, Pastor most emphatically espouses the progressive political view best represented by the radical critic of the old regime, Oszkir Jiszi. However, these early chapters, which provide the historical background to the principal theme of the book, are marred by several regrettable errors. Tisza did accept an extension of the vote in the workers' favor (p. 19), and Vizsonyi was out of power when a suffrage bill, op- posed by him, passed in the Hungarian Parliament during the summer of 1918 (p. 20). In addition, it is highly questionable whether "the solution to the social problem and to the nationalities question" were the "two original war aims of the Hungarian leaders" (p. 20). These leaders aimed to enhance Hungary's relative influence within the mon- archy, and some did hope for territorial conquests, but they were well aware that not even a victorious war would "solve" the social and national questions. Gabor Vermes Rutgers University, Newark</p>
 <p>115 Leslie C. Tihany. The Baranya Dispute, 1918-1921: Diplomacy in the Vortex of Ideolo- gies. Boulder, Co.: East European Quarterly, 1978. 138 pp. (Distributed by Columbia University Press) Leslie Tihany's book is both unique and thought provoking. It is unique because it brings into the limelight a moment of history which has never been presented in its en- tirety. It is thought provoking because it illustrates clearly how political interest domi- nates ideological consideration. The volume contains a particularly skillful account of the tangled post-World-War I diplomacy in Eastern Europe which the author calls "di- plomacy in the vortex of idologies." Worthy of mention, too, are his theories on vertical world conflicts and horizontal conflicts within national boundaries. In this regard the Baranya dispute has a proven paradigmatic value, since it demonstrates international and national emergencies through clashes that occurred between Magyars and South Slavs on the one hand and conservative, clergy-centered bourgeoisie and proletarians on the other. And in his observations on the social system of the place and time, the author goes as far as possible in accomplishing what is easy to intend but hard to perform- the detailed description and profound analysis of the conditions at the gateway to the Balkans in the 1920s. It is through this presentation of postwar political and social conditions that the theme of the book emerges. This theme is that the events that took place between 1918 8 and 1921 in Baranya County (the part of Hungary occupied by Yugoslavia) indicate more continuity than change in the relationship between diplomacy and the environ- ment it attempts to shape. It is true that the trial of strength between the indigenous "Right" and "Left" in Baranya had its impact on the process. It is also true that the rapidly changing regimes in the Hungarian capital-from the dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy to the autocratic regime of Admiral Horthy (including the short-lived liberal- democratic Kirolyi regime and the Hungarian Soviet Republic of Bela Kun)-played a distinct role in the events. Moreover, the Yugoslav annexationist foreign policy at the expense of defeated Hungary was an equally important factor in the evolving Baranya situation. However, as Professor Tihany points out: "The architects of the new Middle European status quo in Paris were more concerned about the Soviet threat from the East than about Yugoslavia's new frontiers." For them the Danube Valley, like some other parts of the former territories of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, was to be di- vided not according to Yugoslav nationalist ambitions but in conformity with their "cordon sanitaire" policy, aimed at preventing possible communist expansion. Under such circumstances Belgrade had no choice but to comply with the foreign policy interest of the major powers-France and Great Britain-and order the withdrawal of its troops from Baranya according to the provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty. That spelt disaster, of course, for the prot6g6s of the Yugoslavs, the radical separatist "Left" of Pecs. Their last-minute attempt to create an autonomous Baranya Republic within the Kingdom of Yugoslavia collapsed in a matter of days. 'T'1... -.a-......-.... :.. ....aal...7 .....i 1.....- r..-.-..aa..-. TL... :.. The is long settled and long forgotten. The "cordon sanitaire" is re- membered as one of the gravest mistakes of post-World War I French diplomacy. Yet the story recounted by Tihany is relevant. It opens up new dimensions in unexplored fields. It proves that study in microcosm can be valuable in wider settings if the research- er's tools are properly used and historical interpretation is based on the combination of analysis and synthesis. Finally, it demonstrates that the diplomacy of small nations has limited room for maneuvering if major powers' interests are involved. All in all this is an important monographic investigation. The suggestive notes, the selected bibliography, and the new documentary evidence combined with personal reminiscences are a major contribution to the European historical literature. Janos Radvanyi Mississippi State University</p>
 <p>116 William Shawcross. Crime and Compromise, János Kádár and the Politics of Hungary since Revolution. New York: Dutton, 1974. 311 pp. $10.00. Crime and Compromise was written by a young British journalist, which may explain the melodramatic title. Perhaps because the documentation is based on the author's visits to Hungary as much as on English-language sources, the usual Anglo-Saxon generaliza- tions are largely absent. While the author's knowledge of the language and the history of the country appears to be sketchy, his power of observation makes the book a journalis- tic tour de force. The wealth of information about the life of Kadar (much of it unknown even in Hun- gary) provides only a chain of episodes for Shawcross: his book is, first and foremost, about contemporary Hungarian life. Although Kadar was instrumental in creating the present conditions, his choice of action is demonstrated to have been limited ever since he was selected by Moscow in the chaotic November days of 1956 to govern Hungary. The insignificance of the man is exposed with such conviction as to render plausable a cherished claim of certain Hungary-watchers. According to them but for the fact that Ki- dir turned in the lowest bid to the Soviet power-brokers, Hungary could have gone through a Hegedús era, a Munich era, or even a Nagy era following 1956. Kadar "sold out" at the lowest price, but Shawcross, unlike other commentators, does not fail to . show extenuating circumstances. Once the West and Moscow arrived at a decision con- cerning Hungary (as they did by the first of November) the revolution was lost. The only option remaining for the Hungarians was one of minimizing their losses. It is indicative of the author's insight into East European reality that Kidir's decision to "sell out" can almost be appreciated for its courage and selflessness. The unimpressive .apparatchik from the Thirteenth District of Budapest took the gamble of his life when he decided to walk the tightrope in the East European circus. He was certain to be watch- ed from Moscow with unsympathetic eyes, while his own countrymen expressed their impotent disgust with him through vicious personal jokes, a drastically reduced work- tempo, and silence. Had he stumbled during the late fifties or the sixties, few people would have regretted his demise, and his name would have remained a small footnote in history. ' That Kádir survived the perilous decade after 1956 and even achieved a modicum of popularity, perhaps should not be wholly attributed to his skill and wisdom, as the author seems wont to do. The experimenting and soul-searching attitude of the Kremlin contri- buted greatly to Kidir's survival and "success." While the Communist monolith was not overly frightened by the spectre of revolution, the Polish and Hungarian events did bring about a shelving of Stalinist appearances. Even.the hard-boiled ideologues were forced to listen to the Cassandra-voices among them. It became clear that if the Peoples' Democra- cies were to become more than "transient regimes" (to use the words of Gy6rgy Lukics) their policies would have to be altered. Consequently, Hungary became a political testing ground during the sixties. In radical departure from the revolutionary fervor of 1919 or 1948, large-scale social experimentation was undertaken. The reader is guided through some of these experiments, and, although the sequence of events is not always easy to follow (due to Shawcross' essay-style) the mood of the period is vividly grasped and communicated most effectively. The dangerousness of the Kadar course is indicated by some of the crisis-years: 1958-the execution of Imre Nagy and his group; 1961-the re- collectivization of the farmland; 1964-the fall of Khrushchev; 1968-the New Economic Mechanism and Czechoslovakia. The experiment is not yet concluded. The portrayal of this limbo is one of the most valuable features of the book. Material wealth, cultural progress, and a vague feeling of satisfaction among the Hungarians cannot be ignored. At the same time, the existence of</p>
 <p>117 semi-dormant dissatisfaction (not all of which is inimical to Socialism) poses a potential threat to any Hungarian government. Even among non-dissenters, the political ambiance can be disturbing: revolutionary Party-mindedness is practically non-existent. The inva- sion of Czechoslovakia failed to alleviate all doubts about the efficacy of Kidir's "So- cialist consolidation." Hungary participated but with a conspicuous lack of enthusiasm, which could be felt even in governmental pronouncements. Shawcross' book ends on an optimistic note, notwithstanding the observation that Kadar is still not his own man, and the country remains occupied by Soviet troops. The instruments of Stalinism continue to be available in Hungary, including a ready corps of political technicians. Yet, Shawcross asserts that a regression to the atmosphere of the fifties is not likely to take place; even Moscow would not support such a move. The book contains remarkably few factual errors. The lack of diacritical marks is probably its most obvious shortcoming. Contrary to what is claimed on page 231, Hun- garians living abroad are generally not prevented from sending money to their relatives back home. Of debatable value are the references to the Hungarians as a "chauvinistic tribe" (page 26) or the reference to their "cruelty" on the preceeding page. The sweep- ing indictment of the Hungarian middle-classes (on page 108) also seems historically un- warranted. The shortcomings are minor and barely noticeable, for Shawcross' book is a well- conceived and brightly executed work, which provides an excellent window into Hun- gary. Under the journalistic gloss, one happily detects the best qualities of the non-fic- tion writer: commitment to the topic and determination to uncover all relevant details. The author's previous book on Dubcek reveals the same high degree of intellectual hones- ty, and it appears that Shawcross, was not afraid to jeopardize his future welcome in East- ern Europe. By maintaining his principles, he was able to write a compassionate report on the joys and the pains, the achievements and difficulties of life in today's Hungary. Andras Boros-Kazai Indiana University, Bloomington Peter A. Toma and Iván Völgyes. Politics in Hungary. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman and Co., 1977. 188 pp. $12.00. Perhaps for more than anything else, Hungarians are remembered in contempory his- tory as freedom fighters against Soviet imperialism. But is hould also be remembered that, in the long run, the revolution of 1956 won limited freedom for Hungarians and helped to liberalize conditions within the country. This interesting study presents a pic- ture of these developments. , The introductory chapters offer a brief discussion of the international and domestic environment of the Soviet Bloc before 1949. There the authors point out quite correctly that the pattern of state and nation building in Hungary was the same as in other East Eurjopean countries and that the Hungarian Stalinists copied the political, economic, and cultural institutions from the USSR as did their colleagues elsewhere. In other words, the Hungarian People's Democracy was created by Stalin's satraps, and the "dictatorship of the proletariat" was imposed on Hungary by despotism, police terror, and the promise of utopia. The book devotes considerable space to the 1956 revolution. It describes accurately the underlying demands of the Hungarian people: political freedom, restoration of demo- cratic rights, and the abolition of the hated secret police, the A.V.H. The authors are also accurate when they state that Soviet leadership was uncertain as to how to deal with the grave crisis and that the Soviets were divided on the issue of military intervention. On the other hand, readers will not accept the undocumented statement that "the final So-</p>
 <p>118 viet decision to use Russian troops against the Hungarian insurgents came after Khrush- chev won his argument against the Soviet military elite who opposed the move." " Students of the USSR and Eastern Europe will learn much from the authors' detailed description of the structure of the Hungarian Socialist Workers Party (the Communist Party). Their analysis of Party Leader Jinos policy line is excellent. Kidir's prag- matism in political matters in general and his determination to deideologize all possible aspects of daily life is indeed a sharp departure from the Stalinist past. The overall assess- ment of Kadar's alliance policy is also realistic, and the updated charts and statistics are valuable. However, the view that Kadar got rid of his leading opponents, such as Gydrgy Marosan, Istvan Kossa, Imre D6gei, Ferenc Miinnich and Istvin Dobi, is only partially correct. Marosin and D6gei were opponents, but only D6gei was ousted. Marosán aban- doned Kadar. Kossa, Munnich, and Dobi were strong supporters of Kadar: only sickness, old age, and death halted their support of the party chief. In treating the economic policy of the Hungarian Socialist Workers Party, the authors give special attention to the New Economic Mechanism (N.E.M.), the complex reform in- troduced in Hungary in 1968. The guiding principle of the reform was the belief that the market correctly conveyed short and long range impulses and that the economy had to adjust to these forces. In other words, the reform meant a change from the rigid, central- ly planned economy to a market-oriented one. Otherwise, the N.E.M. contained the roots of a dual system based on Party control and decentralized managerial ability. The official price regulations were maintained. Simultaneously, however, as an important change, the profit margin became directly proportional to the value of the fixed and working capital involved in production. According to the findings of Toma and Völgyes, many Party of- ficials claim that the N.E.M. so far has been a great success. At the same time, some Hun- garian economists expressed concern about the country's slow economic growth. Oppon- ents of the reform on the other hand became alarmed when it appeared that the effects of the N.E.M. were no longer limited to economic reorganization but were fostering so- ciopolitical changes. In 1972 leftist and Soviet dissatisfaction with certain "ideological deformation" caused political difficulties for the Party leadership. Soon thereafter mea- sures were introduced to tighten control over the N.E.M. A particular value of this book lies in the authors' discussion of many aspects of everyday life in Hungary. The reader learns that a great many Hungarian families still maintain values contrary to those propagated by the regime. In both rural and urban areas anti-Russian attitude is prevalent. The churches, and especially the Roman Catholic vil- lage priests, are still influential in shaping the thinking of young and old alike. National- ism is still a driving force and is the strongest power in opposition to Communist ideolo- gy. The majority of the population have little real respect for the Party elite. All in all, it appears that most Hungarians merely want to be left alone to live as well as they can. Understandably, Hungarians wish the Helsinki European Security Conference had forced the Soviet troops out of Eastern Europe. Yet, being aware that they can not expect ex- ternal intervention to create radical political changes, willy-nilly Hungarians accept their place in the Soviet sphere of influence. Recognizing their own limitations for changes, they turn inward. As Toma and V61gyes so clearly summarize: "This turning inward re- presents the greatest step the population could take toward self preservation, a happiness outside the political sphere in the relative tranquility and safety of the small material conveniences that the past few years of progress have enabled them to attain." Janos Radvanyi Mississippi State University</p>
 <p>119 lván Benet and János Gyenis, editors. Economic Studies of Hungary's Agriculture. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1977. 194 pp. This collection of nine articles gives a comprehensive short overview of Hungary's agricultural situation today. The papers, in part, reflect the current as well as the past general situation reaching back as far as the pre-World War II era. The editors and the other writers also deal with selected areas or specific problems related to farm eco- nomics. They discuss the role that the main factors of productions (land, labor, capital) played and are expected to play in various resource mixes. The proportion of resources which can be used efficiently in a particular branch of production depends greatly on the size of the operation and the availability of resources. The articles tend to reflect reality and to show how the agriculturists, in cooperation with the planners, aim to achieve optimum resource-use patterns on the land. Agro-business (which includes viticulture, fruit-growing, fisheries, the livestock sector, and crop growing) has always played an important role in Hungary's economic life, not only as the raw material producing sector and a source of employment, but also as a user of industrial products. Modernization has resulted in sizeable decrease in live-labor use which was compensated by mechanized and arti6cial inputs resulting in overall product gains through time. It has been pointed out that special emphasis will be put on the increase of land productivity. In the course of modernization and development, closer coordination between the production and processing of food and fiber is taking place. This vertical integration permits better resource utilization and is popular with cooperatives, since it results in better year-round employment. No article discusses the role of state farms in detail. However, there are ample illustrations and cases pertaining to cooperatives. One of the papers describes the origin and the function of the so called special coopera- tives which play an important role in certain parts of the country, mainly in fruit grow- ing and viticulture. The importance of household plots and auxiliary farms in our times is discussed both from a theoretical point of view as well as a practical point of view. Their economic significance is analyzed. - The aim of the book is to give the reader a better feel for and grasp of Hungary's multifaceted agriculture. It conveys an idea about the relative importance that agri- culture has played within the nation's economy. A few international comparisons can also be found. The work aims to illustrate trading patterns and the changes which have taken place through time in production and earnings in the farm sector, particularly since the introduction of the New Economic Mechanism. The work treats, in detail, relative efficiencies obtainable from the cooperation between primary production, processing and marketing, especially as they related to the food sector. Lengthy statistical tables and appendices are absent and a minimum numbers of tables and graphs appear mainly in support of the authors propositions or to show trends and clarify conclusions for the benefit of the reader. The writings are positive contrib- utions to the field of comparative farm economics in general and international agri- cultural economics in particular. F. R. Bethlen State University of New York. College at Plattsburgh Katalin Nagyné Szegvári and Andor Ladányi. Nök az egyetemeken. I: Küzdelmek a nök egyetemi tanulmányaiért. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1976. 129 pp. Women in the Universities, published in commemoration of Women's International Year, is the saga of women's struggle for equality in Hungarian universities. This first volume, dealing with the period from the middle of the nineteenth century to 1919,</p>
 <p>120 is thoroughly researched, filled with details and quotes of leading political, faculty, and student figures, and illuminated with statistical tables. While not permeated with socialist ideology, the book nevertheless pays homage to Marx and Lenin and places women's progress in an economic framework of reference. This explains the authors' somewhat exaggerated portrayal of the progress of women during the 133 days of the 1919 Hungarian Soviet Repbulic, when women obtained full equality because of the new social outlook of the proletarian dictatorship. Apart from this slight touch of propaganda, the study is admirably objective and thorough. The tone of the whole study is that of a doctoral dissertation, but one which is sur- prisingly readable. The authors present the development of women's progress in Hungarian univer- sities chronologically and against the international background. While Hungarian univer- sities were behind those of the West in admitting women, the authors note that colleges in the United States first opened their doors to women in the 1830s, in France in 1863, in Switzerland in 1876, and in England in the 1870s. While strong voices advocating women's rights emerged in Hungary during the anti- Habsburg revolution of 1848, it was not until the last two decades of the nineteenth century that women succeeded to a limited degree in gaining some acceptance in Hun- garian institutions of higher education. The opposition Hungarian women encountered in the latter part of the nineteenth century is best illustrated by Vilma Hugonnai, a Hungarian countess who earned a medical degree in Zurich in 1879. Her long battle to obtain permission to practice medicine in Hungary, the progressive forces supporting her, and the opposition of Mr. Trefort, Minister of Religion and Education, are dis- cussed in exhaustive detail. Countess Hugonnai's struggle ended in failure, though charac- teristically, she was advised by Mr. Trefort that she could practice medicine-illegally- without fear of official interference. In 1895 the emperor finally issued a decree admitting exceptional women to the faculties of medicine, pharmacy, and philosophy on an individual basis. A radical in- crease of women at the universities can first be observed, however, during World War I, primarily as a result of a decline in the enrollment of men, who had joined the armed forces. For example, in the medical school of Budapest University the percentage of women increased from 5.64 percent in 1913-14 to 28.40 percent in 1917-18. During the same period in the School of Philosophy, the increase was from 24.60 percent to 52.29 percent. Similar increases occurred at the University of Kolozsvar. The propor- tion of distinctions awarded to women was also greater in all faculties. By the end of the war the majority of honors and distinctions were awarded to women. The study concludes with the revolutionary period of 1918-19, when all obstacles were removed and the universities were opened to women. Still, the percentage of female students did not rise appreciably, partly as a result of the return of demobilized men to the univer- sities. The most notable achievement during this period was the appointment of a woman to the faculty. The authors' statistical data and tables not only underline the see-saw battle of the womens movement, but also provide information on the background of women stu- dents-their social position and religious affiliation. Statistical evidence indicates that women students were primarily children of the urban intelligentsia and of the inter- mediate bureaucracy. Almost one-half came from Budapest, and of those approximately 50 percent were Jewish. The book presents other interesting data. For example, the arguments presented both for and against female equality were similar to those one hears today. Not much, it appears, has changed in the past one hundred fifty years; student organizations opposed the admission of women more vehemently than the faculty and the government bureaucracy. The number of feminine organizations and</p>
 <p>121 publications dedicated to the cause of full equality for women in higher education is impressive: Nemzeti Nõnevelés. No7c Munkaköre, No7c Lapia, the Maria Dorothea As- sociation, the Galileo Circle, and others. ' The study is a reminder that a women's right to study at the universities-something taken for granted in Western civilization today-was a matter of intense controversy only a few generations ago. The situation in Hungary was probably quite typical of most Central and East European countries with regard to women's admission to higher educa- tion during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Bernard Klein Kingsborough Community College of The City University of New York Iván Völgyes and Nancy Völgyes. The Liberated Female: Life, Work, and Sex in Socialist Hungary. "Westview Special Studies on the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe." Boul- der, Colo.: Westview Press, 1977. xiv, 240 pp. $13.25. Since this book describes in detail the constraints imposed upon Hungarian women in every area of life, it seems astonishing that the authors entitled it The Liberated Female. The only possible explanation is that Hungary has at least legally granted women equality. According to the authors, the reality is quite different. Although very few direct compar- isons are made, which is unfortunate, it seems. clear that the women in Hungary are no more liberated than their Western counterparts, socialist ideology notwithstanding. In- deed, except for the fact that Hungary has something called "a young mother's leave," which entitles a mother to an income for each child up to the age of three, thus allowing her to stay out of the work force without loss of income, Hungarian women are in a much weaker position that American women. Much of the inequality, of course, is the result of economic, political, and social conditions, but a great deal must be blamed on tradition, attitudes, and customs which are still adhered to by both sexes in Hungary. While reading this book on Hungarian women, one is struck by the fact that it could be about Israeli women, Red Chinese women, Russian women, and at the same time, American women. It is true, of course, that American women are in general better off than those in socialist countries, but only because American technology is more ad- vanced. The values, attitudes, habits, and relationships with men and with children ap- pear to be almost exactly the same in capitalist and in socialist countries. Everywhere women are kept out of prestigious "men's" occupations or kept at the lowest ranks within them. Everywhere working women are expected to have three occupations: work- er, homemaker, and primary parent. Everywhere men do not voluntarily give up power. Most significant, every society perpetuates sexual inequality through traditional gender- role socialization. So what else is new? The Liberated Female is well-written, and it adequately documents the fact that, re- gardless of a society's stated position, women remain in a second-class status. The book is valuable inasmuch as it adds to our list of countries in which these conditions prevaiL Aside from that, its interest is limited and what it describes predictable. Still, even that makes it a worthy contribution to our knowledge of the position of women all over the world. Lucile Duberman Rutgers University Newark College of Arts & Sciences</p>
 <p>122 Golo Mann. Wallenstein, His Life Narrated. Translated by Charles Kessler. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1976. 909 pp. $22.50. Golo Mann intended his life of Wallenstein to be a definitive biography, and in many ways it is. Mann has sifted through a vast heap of evidence, most of which must be han- dled with great care. Since this English translation does not include the notes to the ori- ginal (some 110 pages of small print), scholars wishing to follow Mann's trail through the sources must still rely on the German edition (Frankfurt, 1971). Mann's viewpoint, which is Protestant, Kleindeutsch, and anti-Habsburg, is clear enough from the beginning so that distortions in interpretation are easily corrected. This is important because Mann undertook to correct not only the popular myths surround- ing that paradigm of the "over-mighty subject," but also Schiller's literary myth and the whole historiographic problem of the Thirty Years War. A less ambitious book might well have produced a clearer portrait. As it is, there are long chapters in which the sub- ject is hardly visible at all. The slow, stately pace of the work makes it difficult at times for the reader to keep the chronology of events clearly in mind. Mann wrote for an audi- ence which knew both the period and the geography of the war. Mann is at his best when he describes the character of seventeenth-century warfare, the nature of armies, and the interaction between a politically fragmented society and Wallenstein's innovative war machine. Too often, however, the narrative is overly subtle and confusing. Part of the problem rests in the translation, which was a vast undertaking given the bulk of the book, and the author's German prose style. There are flashes of brilliance; but, alas, more often there are long, turgid passages of convoluted narrative which render up their meaning only when the reader mentally reconstructs them in German. This is a shame, for Mann has cleared up many inaccuracies that mar the more readable works of Mitchell, Watson, Wedgwood, and others. His discussion of the events during the critical last months before Wallenstein's murder is probably as close as we can ever come to solving that riddle. Mann's Wallenstein is not the enigma portrayed in ear- lier biographies, but a believable, dynamic figure working in a world whose violence was all too real. John P. Spielman Haverford College John P. Spielman. Leopold I of Austria. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1977. Illus. 240 pp. $14.95. In spite of the promise of the title and the blurb on the jacket, this is not a biography of the Emperor Leopold. The author is more accurate in his preface, where he describes it as a book about men and events: the men in power in Vienna and the events that most preoccupied them. One should not, therefore, look either for new insights into the char- acter and motives of Leopold, nor for a penetrating study of the nature and condition of the Danubian Monarchy. If disappointing for these reasons, a book that deals in English, even with the superficial level of high politics, is welcome. The period concerned was a formative one for Europe and for the Habsburg Mon- archy. Austria and France fought it out over the fate of the Spanish inheritance and pre- dominance in the empire; two major wars were fought with the Turks, including the melodramatic siege of Vienna in 1683, which resulted in the incorporation of Hungary and Transylvania into the Habsburg dominions (thereby more than doubling their area) and the culmination of the Habsburg Counter Reformation. Inevitably tensions made themselves felt, which provide Spielman with the main themes of this book: should Aus- tria seek her destiny with Germany and Western Europe, or face eastward, down the</p>
 <p>123 Danube and into the Balkans (both seemed tinavoidable)? How far could Leopold go in putting his hereditary domains at rist for the sake of the Spanish line of the Casa de Aus- tria ? Ought the government, while dealing with these European issues, try to reform the feudal political structure as well? Over all of this, Leopold presided as the focal point for all major decisions. An unlikely candidate for the job, he contained within his own breast contradictions and tensions, between Christian morality and the demands of raison d'Üat, between his responsibilities as ruler of Austria and Bohemia and as head of the whole Habsburg family. Slow, thoughtful, dilatory, yet intelligent and capable under pressure of swift, resolute action, he made the Chancellorship into the chief office of state and kept that office filled with capable men. He also showed an astonishingly sure touch in choosing his military commanders. We still need a literature, not just a book or two, on the Habsburg Monarchy before the nineteenth century, books less sweeping than the excellent survey by V. -L. Tapi6 but more general than the (none-too-abundant) monographic literature in German and other languages. As a contribution to this literature, Spielman's book is to be welcomed, repetitive and superficial as it is. Though obviously conversant with the Vienna archives, his references are all to the standard classics of Austrian, Czech, and Hungarian historiog- raphy. One word of warning, however. The map of Leopold's dominions at the back is seriously misleading in several respects, and should be redrawn for any future edition. G. M. Schwarz Memorial University of Newfoundland Bruce F. Pauley. The Habsburg Legacy 1867-1939, "Berkshire Studies in History." New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, and R. E. Krieger, 1972. 189 pp. Paper. A.J.P. Taylor. The Habsburg Monarchy, 1809-1918. A History of the Austrian Empire and Austria-Hungary. Chicago: University of Chicage Press. 1948; reissued 1976. 279 pp. $4.45. Paper. Pauley's interpretative essay continues a line of analysis often set forth in recent decades-that the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was more viable than had been commonly envisioned. Indeed, an increasing number of works have bemoaned the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy as facilitating Nazi and subsequent Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe. Pauley argues that no evaluation of the Monarchy is possible without compare- son of pre- and post-World War I conditions, and that the Progressive doctrine of na- tional self-determination proved a baneful mistake in Austro-Hungary. Offering no startling new evidence, Pauley reinterprets the Monarchy be refusing to be blinded by its collapse. Pauley insists that Habsburg policies toward the nationalities were not only free of bias, but realistic as well. "Any possible discrimination" arose from administrative inefficiency, not prejudicial law. Suggested panaceas, namely federalism and Trialism, would have proven impossible to execute and might have aggravated minority com- plaints. To the accepted institutions reinforcing unity-the old emperor, the anny, ;he bureaucracy, and the church-Pauley adds the anational cultural brilliance of Vienna and the rising prosperity of all nationalities. Only two events could have destroyed the Monarchy: hasty reform or protracted war. Pauley maintains that had not the Allies moved to subvert Austro-Hungary during the last stages of the war, the discontented minorities would have been neither willing nor able to dismember her. The Allies' greater culpability, however, lay in creating an Eastern Europe impossible of defense. By encouraging imperialism among the Successor States, the Allies generated signifi- cantly more militant national minorities, which in turn paved the way for Hitler's conquests.</p>
 <p>124 Pauley advances his thesis with acumen, yet despite his many alluring insights I resist his contention that "given another generation of peace and progress, the Monar- chy's nationalities might have reached near economic, social, and political equality, thus conceivably diminishing national hostility." He himself admits that rising pros- perity actually sharpened the struggle. The Germans, Hungarians, and Czechs, the most economically advanced, were also the most chauvinistic. I find his image of an Austro- Hungarian bulwark against Nazism merely hopeful fancy; indeed, German nationalism was the principal malady of the Monarchy. And to ignore the force of national self- determination for fear of its consequences is to deny the most potent historical trend of the twentieth century. There must be a better antidote for communism than nos- talgia. I relish the reappearance of A. J. P. Taylor's The Habsburg Monarchy. Taylor is less of a detractor of the Monarchy than is commonly assumed. His insights are vigorous and often force a chuckle besides, admirable qualities in a book worth assigning to undergraduates. His presentation of Hungarian chauvinism as an outgrowth of the class antagonism of gentry versus magnate is only one illustration of his speculative analysis. And when will other East European historians adopt his practice of denoting the phone- tic spelling of names? Joseph B. Ake Bowling Green State University, Firelands Campus Josef Wysocki. Infrastruktur und wachsende Staatsausgaben. Das Fallbeispiel Österreich 1868-1913 (Forschungen zur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Bd. 20). Stuttgart: Gustav Fischer Verlag, 1975. 27 diagrams, 88 tables. 257 pp. DM 85,- This book examines the expansion of central government expenditure in Austria dur- ing the period of the Dual Monarchy, focussing on the growth of "infrastructure" out- lays and examining three main themes: the institutional environment, the quantitative development, and the determinants of that growth. After wrestling with the problem of defining "infrastructure" (pp. 8-12), the author adopts as a practical matter the very broad definition which is "conventional in the literature" (p. 12) and which includes both services and structures. Thus infrastructure expenditures are divided into seven main categories: transport and communication, education and science, general adminis- tration, administration of justice, public security, social welfare, and conservation of natural resources. The quantitative description rests on data from the "final central accounting" (Cen- trairechnungsabschluss) and thus provides actual, rather than budgetary, expenditure data. Reliance on this source and the use of previously unexploited archival sources to illuminate his other two main themes together form the fundamental basis of the author's contribution. His main conclusions are the following: 1. Central government expenditure grew more rapidly than national income, making Austria unique among the major European and North American countries of the time (apparently the only example of "Wagner's law" of increasing relative government activ- ity). 2. The principal source of expenditure growth was in infrastructure, which came to account for nearly half of total outlays by 1913. 3. Railway expenditure was the major item in infrastructure growth, although there was also substantial increase in post, telephone, and telegraph, and a "spectacular" (p. 72) rise in educational outlays especially by provincial governments. 4. The public provision of infrastructure expanded both absolutely and relatively, the latter especially at the expense of the Catholic Church and mainly in education.</p>
 <p>125 5. Contrary to the common view, military expenditures were not dominant in Aus- trian state finances in this period, and declined as a share of total outlays. 6. Both the size and the allocation of infrastructure expenditures were primarily de- termined by the political horsetrading necessary to fashion a parliamentary majority out of a multiplicity of nationality groupings, within a very definite general policy of disper- . sion of resources and balanced budgets. The book suffers from some very serious shortcomings, conceptual, analytical, and methodological. The principal conceptual difficulty is the failure to come to grips with the nature of the increase in infrastructure expenditures, especially for railways. Since the period was one of re-nationalization of the formerly "privatized" railway net, much of the government expenditure increase was merely a rerouting of spending through the public purse instead of through the private. Further, the railways generated revenues (in- deed, they may have made a profit, since railways accounted for a larger share of state income than of outlays by the end of the period-see p. 137). Taken net, then, the rela- tive decline of military expenditures appears in this light much less severe: from 25 per- cent of the non-railway spending in 1870 to about 21 percent in 1910, rather than the 24.1 percent and 15.7 percent shares, respectively, in total expenditure. While I do not suggest that the author should have tried to recalculate budgets on a net basis, he should have recognized and discussed the problems inherent. Moreover, very important infra- structure expenditures seem to have been omitted entirely from the quantitative record (see below). The quantitative analysis is too superficial. In looking at the "dynamics" of expendi- tures in various categories, the author attempts to define and measure three characteris- tics : flexibility, reversibility, and interdependence. The only one in which the conse- quences of a trend are adequately recognized is the second, and that section is so unsuc- cessful that the author does not even present his measures of reversibility, contenting himself with a mere description of how the coefficient might be calculated. The measure , of flexibility is the change in expenditure from year to year as a percentage of the pre- vious year's expenditure; during a period when infrastructure outlays increase more than twenty-fold nearly all of these numbers are naturally positive. Percentage deviations from trend, while not ideal, represent one of several better choices for the coefficient of flexibility. The measure of interdependence, because of the trend problem, is weakest of all: Here we are offered the matrix of correlation coefficients between yearly amounts in the various expenditure categories. Since all expenditures were growing so strongly, it is manifestly unsurprising that fifty-three of the sixty-six independent correlations presented (p. 133) exceed + 85 percent, and none is negative. An alternative table of correlations between deviations from trend, or perhaps between changes in budget shares, would have been much more informative. The most serious failure of the book is the omission of a section describing the sta- tistical methodology and the data used (minor annoying omissions such as no list of tables, despite there being forty-seven of them in the text, or the nearly-useless index, can almost be overlooked). It is never explained; for example, how an overall excess of expenditures over income in the years 1868 to 1913 of only 4.1 million gulden (Table 40, p. 136) can lead to an increase of more than 3.3 billion in the state debt over the same period. Obviously, some extraordinary expenditures (largely for railroad invest- ment ? If so, obviously infrastructure outlays) have been left out; an appendix contains a brief allusion to the problems of division between ordinary and extraordinary expendi- ture, but the author never states clearly what is included and what is not nor even what the criteria for inclusion or exclusion might be. There is also no discussion of the implications of the financial arrangements with Hungary under the Dual Monarchy, although the author asserts (p. 135) that "after the</p>
 <p>126 Compromise with Hungary, the State found the way to a healthy finance policy astonish- ingly quickly." He ascribes this "reconstruction" (Sanierung) mainly to the economic upswing after defeat in the war with Prussia (1866), but what were the effects on his analysis of the existence of "common" and "dual" financial affairs? For example, all customs revenue collected in both Austria and .Hungary was earmarked for "common affairs"-mostly the military, the imperial court, and the foreign ministry-after de- ducting rebates of consumption taxes on exported items. How does that affect the anal- ysis of sources of Austrian state income? Or, since the military, the emperor's household, and diplomacy were "common affairs," how did the author determine what share of the military expenditure, for example, was Austrian? Because of these and the questions raised in the preceding paragraphs, a thorough description of the methodology would be indiespensable to other scholars who would like to make use of the valuable data and in- formation contained in this book. The book, despite its faults, is definitely a contribution. It is my opinion that the last- ingly most useful contributions to the development of knowledge are often made by those scholars who take the trouble to dig out, organize, and present important data, as Prefessor Wysocki has done. One hopes, indeed, that he will continue to exploit the same source to write the obvious sequel on the rest of Austrian government expenditures which do not fall under the rubric of "infrastructure," especially since the remainder still repre- sents over half the total, even when infrastructure is defined as broadly as in this work. This pair of volumes describing Austrian state finances would be of great use to aU scholars in the field, since, as Professor Wysocki points out elsewhere (in his article "Die Oster- reichische Finanzpolitik," in Adam Wandruschka and Peter Urbanitsch, eds., Die Habs- burgermonarchie, 1848-1918, Vol. I [Wien: Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaft- en, 1973J, p. 97), "in Austria economic policy in the main largely meant financial poli- cy, 11 Scott M. Eddie University of Toronto Emil Franzel. Crown Prince Rudolph and the Mayerling Tragedy. Fact and Fiction. Vienna: Verlag Herold, 1974. 85 pp. plus photographs. ÖS 124,- This slim volume continues the revisionist interpretation of the Habsburg Monarchy inaugurated in 1951 by the late Arthur J. May. The doleful fate of the Successor States has caused many historians to re-examine the older liberal-nationalistic view of Austria- Hungary as a "prison of the peoples" and Franz Joseph as a "hidebound reactionary." Consequently, Crown Prince Rudolph, who was himself an avowed liberal and critic of his father's rule, has been "de-mythologized" by Emil Franzel, a Sudeten-bom author of more than twenty books. In cutting through all the legends and myths surrounding the life and death of Rudolph, Franzel suggests that the crown prince's premature death in 1889 at the age of thirty should not be considered one of the Monarchy's greatest catastrophes. In the last years of his life Rudolph led a schizophrenic existence, on the one hand carrying out his imperial duties almost brilliantly while at other times causing scandal by as- sociating with assorted cab drivers, Heurigen singers, and Viennese prostitutes. The author has in fact determined on the basis of strong circumstantial evidence that Ru- dolph had since 1886 been suffering from severe depressions brought on by a then- incurable venereal disease.. Franzel admits that "we do not know the ultimate reason why Rudolph ... took his own life" and that of his mistress (p. 73), but doubts whether it was because the Baroness Mary Vetsera was pregnant. The great mystery surrounding Rudolph's sui-</p>
 <p>127 cide began when the Court first claimed that the crown prince had died of a heart attack. When suicide was officially admitted no one believed it, the more so since the post- mortem record soon disappeared, probably to cover up Rudolph's venereal disease. Crown Prince Rudolph is clearly intended for the general public since it lacks all scholarly apparatus such as footnotes, a bibliography, and even an index. On the other hand, there is a useful chronology. The translation from the original German edition published in 1963 is occasionally marred by sentences of Germanic length. Nevertheless, the author's shrewd observations will interest professional historians, and everyone will delight in the thirty pages of fascinating illustrations. Bruce F. Pauley Florida Technological University Andrew F. Whiteside. The Socialism of Fools. Georg Ritter von Schönerer and Austrian Pan-Germanism. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975. 404 pp. $22.50. In The Socialism of Fools Andrew Whiteside has followed up his pioneering Austrian National Socialism Before 1918 with a broader study of the whole Pan-German move- ment in the Austrian Empire and the career of its founder, Georg Ritter von Schdnerer. Professor Whiteside's earlier short bur provocative work was the first to address seriously the social and economic bases of any right-wing extremist movement in pre-World War I Austria. Leaving aside the massive, unanalytic chronicle of Eduard Richl, Whiteside's new work stands as the first large-scale history of Schdnerer and his movement. Those needing an introduction to the subject will find this study useful as a clear and thorough survey of the rise and fall of Austrian Pan-Germanism; but despite the extensive docu- mentation, specialists will find here few new insights into the social dynamics of the movement or the imperatives that drove Schdnerer himself. The study is most success- ful in depicting the derivative, often ambiguous character of Sch6nerer's ideology. Professor Whiteside correctly points outs that German nationalism, völkisch racial thinking, some anti-Semitism, populist democracy, and even anti-Habsburg and anti- Catholic 5entiments were already present in the student Burschenschaften in Austria's universities at the beginning of the 1870s, well before the crash of 1873 and Sch6nerer's entry into the Reichsrat. Schbnerer contributed an extremist insistence on race as the basis for civic rights, a militant anti-Marxism, a belief in the irreconcilability of all basic social and political conflicts, and the commitment to a mass German nationalist move- - ment based on a program of popular social reforms. . In a somewhat sententious theoretical introduction, Whiteside argues that such an extremist movement cannot easily be placed in a conventional left-right spectrum. If . one abandons the narrow Austrian definitions of right and left established during the liberal-conservative struggles of the 1860s and compares the Schbnerianer to the West European mass movements of the new right in the 1890s, however, one finds compelling similarities. In the conclusion Professor Whiteside grants that the Sch6nerianer's basic defense of property rights and their consistent opposition to Marxism put them on the radical right, but he still insists on describing the movement as essentially revolu- tionary. This description must be used advisedly because no matter how radical Sch6n- erer and his followers were in demanding the liberation of Germans from the Habsburg state, they abhorred any social upheaval. Professor Whiteside's general unwillingness to explain Sch6nerer's motives and ac- tions in personal or psychological terms makes the more purely biographical aspects of the study less satisfying than the discussion of ideology. Glaring inconsistencies such as Sch6nerer's vote for Taaffe's clerically oriented public education act and the equivoca- tion on suffrage reform in the 1890s receive mention but not explanation. Sch6nerer's</p>
 <p>128 often unrealistic assumption of extreme positions, his demands for absolute personal loyalty, and his alternation of frenetic activity with long periods of passivity beg for a psychological analysis which is absent here. Carl Schorske's insightful discussion of the relationship between Sch6nerer and his liberal, entrepreneurial father and of the con- trasts in the two careers goes ignored. Though the sources for this are limited, there still needs to be a more explicit analysis of how Sch6nerer arrived at his radical politics. In light of Professor Whiteside's earlier work, it is surprising that the discussion of the popular base for Sch6nerer's movement is the weakest aspect of the new study. Following lines already well-defined in the literature, Whiteside describes the Sch6ner- . ianer as composed primarily of students and secondarily of a lower-middle-class pot- pourri of artisans, shopkeepers, and white-collar employees, and to a lesser extent peasants and some skilled workers. Beyond a discussion of the student organizations which joined the movement, based largely on the works of Pichl and Paul Molisch, little is offered on the social and political background of the student supporters, the motives for their radicalism, their actual numbers, or their frequent disloyalty to Sch6n- erer after graduation. Governmental interference and Sch6nerer's own lack of interest in organizing a mass party make it difficult for the historian to assess participation in the movement within the general population. Nonetheless, had Professor Whiteside given more careful atten- tion to the reports on voluntary associations compiled by the police directorates and Statthalterei in the various Ldnder, he might have been able to speak with greater pre- cision about Sch6nerer's popular support. Dirk van Arkel's fme dissertation on Austrian anti-Semitism (Leiden'1966), to which Whiteside makes no reference, shows how much can be gleaned from associational records and election returns. Whiteside has rejected using some of these data because they often include supporters of Pan-German splinter groups or the German People's Party who opposed Sch6nerer. This short-sighted strate- gem, however, excludes groups that in many ways were only Sch6nerianer without Schonerer and impedes an understanding of the articulation of Schonerer's following with Austria's other radical German nationalists. The lack of precision in identifying Sch6nerer's mass support leads Professor White- side to a rather non-specific explanation for the movement's popular appeal. Pan-Ger- manism was far from being the only movement that addressed the needs of those Ger- mans who became disillusioned with individualism, civil libertarianism, and liberal capitalism and feared Marsian socialism and "modernity" generally. In different ways the Christian Social movement, national socialism, and the agrarian movement all ap- pealed to the same problems. What conditioned the divergent development of these formations and the choice among them by Austria's German citizens still needs serious study. Gary B. Cohen University of Oklahoma Robert Pick. The Last Days of Imperial Vienna. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1975. 261 pp. £7.95. Robert Pick was born and educated in Vienna and gained a reputation as a novelist and essayist in the United States in the 1940s before trying his hand at the writing of history. In 1966, he published a historical narrative of the first years of the reign of Empress Maria Theresa. The present work is an account of the atmosphere and events in Vienna during the turbulent period from January, 1918, until the summer of 1919 (a brief epilogue outlines developments to the end of World War II). The book is based entirely on published works and sources and is clearly intended for the general reader. Specialists in Habsburg, Austrian, or East Central European history will find nothing new in it either in content or interpretation. Pick's narrative relies heavily on the diaries</p>
 <p>129 of the liberal-conservative parliamentarian and historian Joseph Redlich and the arch- conservative police official Franz Brandl, and on newspaper reports culled from the Austro-German Liberal Neue Freie Presse and the Socialist Arbeiter-Zeitung. One of Pick's chief aims is to recreate the atmosphere of tension and uncertainty of the Umsturz period of the dissolution of the Habsburg monarchy, the end of Habs- burg rule, and the establishment of the first Austrian republic. In fact, a large part of the book consists of loosely connected reports of the effects of years of war and block- ade and of political instability-lack of food, disease, black market operations, resent- ment of the rich, hardening of human sensitivity to the suffering of others, rumors about everything, and demonstrations and counter-demonstrations on the Ringstrasse by political factions of the Left and Right that sometimes erupted in violence and death. Marauding bands of army deserters and returned soldiers cut across the narra- tive. We are repeatedly told of bourgeois fears of strikes and revolution. Because of their generalized and journalistic nature, as well as their repetitiveness, the cumulative effect of the reports of tension, uncertainty, and privation is not closeness to their reality but boredom. The tedium is compounded by the fact that at the time Pick begins his saga of imperial Vienna's last days, Vienna was no longer an imperial city in the sense that the policies of the government there represented the whole empire or even the Austrian half of it. Power had shifted to new political forces in the new power centers of Prague, Krakow, Zagreb, and Lwow. Furthermore, by Pick's own account the central authorities in Vienna and the Austro-German bourgeoisie revealed an incredible lack of awareness of what was going on in the monarchy. Therefore, focusing on what the representatives of the Austro-German populace were saying and doing and what was going on at the Habsburg court often results in recounting trivial views and happenings. The character sketches are uneven: some are good while others are indifferently drawn. Much the best in its psychological penetration is that of the Austrian Socialist Friedrich Adler, son of Victor Adler, the "father" of the Austrian Socialist Party, and the assassin-as a pro- test against absolutism and war-of the Austrian Prime Minister Count Karl Stiirgkh in October, 1916. Less convincing is the portrait of Emperor Charles, although one glimp- ses the frustration of the well-intentioned young. ruler caught in a political whirlpool. Most disappointing, and surprising in view of the extensive use made of his diaries, is the undiscerning portrait of Joseph Redlich, an example par excellence of the educated, cultured, and aristocratized Austro-German haute-bourgeoisie for whom the Habsburg monarchy was the irreplaceable ground on which he had built his existence. His attitudes offer insight into the misgivings of the Austro-German bourgeoisie over the new republic despite the fact that the many administrative and constitutional changes wrought by the Austrian revolution left the established order fundamentally intact. Pick tries to blend his atmospheric soundings and character sketches with the larger historical scene, but the blend is choppy and Pick's historical observations, like his character sketches, are patchy. Some are informative but most remain superficial. In part, this is a consequence of his method of presentine the views of contemporaries with little or no authorial comment. The parts of the book that strike me as being of value to the general reader are those dealing with the diplomatic aspects of the Anschluss question and the efforts, under pressure of the Entente powers, of the Austrian socialists at the helm of state to damp down left-wing radicalism in the new republic. Pick's con- clusion that "memories of the Umsturz of 1918 have paled" (p. 248) is not correct. 12 November-the day of the proclamation of the fkst Austrian republic-is still an am- bivalent, emotionally charged day, not at all a unifying national holiday. One small correction: the name of Friedrich Funder, the editor of the Christian Socialist Reichspost, is incorrectly given throughout the book as Heinrich. Solomon Wank Franklin and Marshall College</p>
 <p>130 Bruce F. Pauley. Hahnenschwanz und Hakenkreuz. Steirischer Heimatschutz und öster- reichischer Nationalsozialismus 1918-1934. Translated by Peter Aschner. Wien: Europa Verlag, 1972. 244 pp. DM 21,- The author of the present volume has provided us with an objective study of Austrian fascism in the interwar period. A young American scholar with few apparent prejudices, Pauley has managed to relate the complex history of the Styrian Heimatschutz and Austrian National Socialism in a clear, straightforward manner. Both organizations were subordinate branches of two larger Fascist movements, the Austrian Heimwehr and German national socialism, respectively. Whereas the Heimatschutz always operated within the Heimwehr as an autonomous unit, the National Socialists came under the com- plete control of the German Nazis after 1926. In discussing the developments within the Heimatschutz and national socialism, Pauley does not neglect to. deal with issues concerning fascism as a whole. He accepts perhaps too readily Ernst Nolte's definition of fascism and uncritically places Austrian fascism within its context. He accepts, as well, the correct notion that fascism was caused by a multiplicity of complex factors, and in his opening chapter he discusses the social, economic, and political conditions which allowed Austrian fascism to flourish. All in all, Pauley's conclusions on this topic are concise and balanced, although one might argue with his implication in the final chapter that fascism could return to Austria under the proper set of circumstances. However, this book is not without a major weakness. Pauley has failed to give ade- quate documentation to important sections of his work. Although relying on German and Austrian archival sources in those chapters where he deals with the Heimatschutz and national socialism, he uses mostly secondary sources in his chapter on the Heim- wehr. And in other places as well, he relies on secondary material even where primary documentation was available. Thus, rather than using contemporary Austrian sources, the documents of the Public Records Office in London, and published material from the Hungarian archives to substantiate his statements about the Heimwehr's finances, he refers instead to Charles Gulick's highly suspect work, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler. Other examples could be given to show that the writer took a somewhat casual. approach to this important aspect of his book. ' In the final analysis, although this volume is by no means an authoritative or seminal account of Austrofascism, it is a welcome beginning in an area only touched upon by American historians. Reinhart Kondert University of Southwestern Louisiana Robert Schwarz. "Sozialismus" der Propaganda. Das Werben des "Völkischen Beo- bachters" um die österreichische Arbeiterschaft 1938/1939 (Ludwig Boltzmann Institute für Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung). Introduction by Gerhard Botz. Wien: Europaverlag, 1975. Illus. 159 pp. Paper. In Mein Kampf Hitler stressed the primacy in his propaganda of the spoken word, which is confirmed by Karl Dietrich Bracher's observation that the Nazis in 1930 pos- sessed only 12 daily newspapers compared to 170 for the Social Democrats. In spite of these facts, one must not underestimate the importance of a newspaper for Hitler's propaganda. He considered the possession of a newspaper so essential that he devoted enormous efforts very early to acquiring the Voelkischer Beobachter, the main party newspaper, and to keeping it alive during the difficult days of the Kampfzeit. He took great pride in his Voelkischer Beobachter, taking delight in relating tales of its early life in his "table talk" during the war.</p>
 <p>131 The Nazis established a Vienna edition of the Voelkischer Beobachter three days after the proclamation of the Anschluss. The newspaper at once set for itself the major task of winning the Austrian working class to nazism. Professor Schwarz, a native of Vienna now on the staff of Florida Atlantic University, detects certain well-defined themes in this Nazi propaganda effort. Perhaps the most consistently stresssed were the economic benefits produced by the Nazi regime, with constant boasting of the drop- ping unemployment rate and relentless predictions of the good life to come. The prop- agandists also devoted much space to labored ideological articles analyzing the differ- ences between Marxist socialism and the Nazi variety-the former denounced, in the mindless fashion of the Nazis, as "unworthy of German men" while Hitler's kind offered social justice, economic security, but above all, "the chance to belong to a great people." Much attention was given to finding areas of common interest between nazism and workers brought up in the tenets of social democracy, as, for example, mutual hos- tility to clericalism and a shared rejection of a restoration of the Habsburgs. The Voel- kischer Beobachter frequently proclaimed the party's forgiveness of workers who would repudiate their Marxism and throw their lot in with the builders of a Volksgemein- schaft ; for the ordinary workers, seduced by their Jewish leaders, were not to be blamed for past convictions. By such arguments, the Nazis hoped to win over the Austrian workers. Professor Schwarz attempts to answer the natural question of whether or not the Nazis succeeded. Here his study, for all the richness of its detailed portrayal of the Voelkischer Beobachter's contents, betrays a serious weakness. Although asserting that attempts to win over the working class "succeeded only in very limited measure," he concedes that proof "in the strictest sense of the word" cannot be given. Professor Schwarz has limited his sources largely to the columns of the Voelkischer Beobachter; perhaps he could have backed up his conclusion by casting his research net more widely. The possibility of using oral history comes to mind. In any event, while no one would wish to say that the Austrian working class was converted en masse to Nazism, still one must point to the heavy yes-vote in the plebescite of 10 April 1938, which approved the Anschluss, and to the lack of real strength in the Austrian resistance to Hitler. Professor Schwarz's study betrays at several points a pronouncedly social democratic bias, and his uneasiness at the thought of.any honest Austrian worker succumbing to Hitler's blandishments is obvious. Another defect of the book is its unnecessary length. Professor Schwarz moves through the Voelkischer Beobachter month by month, summarizing articles dealing with one or another of the few basic themes espoused by the Nazi propagandists, a procedure which, given the monotony of Nazi propaganda, inevitably results in much repetition. Most scholars are hard put to find time to keep up with the major works in their field, and they would find the results of his sort of study more manageable presented in the form of a succinct article. But these criticisms should not detract from the fact that the author's work is an interesting case study of a small but important aspect of Nazi prop- aganda. Roland V. Layton Jr. Hiram College</p>
 <p>132 Peter Gosztony. Hitlers Fremde Heere. Das Schicksal der nichtdeutschen Armeen im Ostfeldzug. Düsseldorf-Wien: Econ Verlag, 1976. 545 pp. bibliography, documents, index, illustrations, maps. DM 48.- Hans Umbreit. Deutsche Militärverwaltungen 1938/39. Die militärische Besetzung der Tschechoslowakei und Polens. Vol. 18 of "Beiträge zur Militär und Kriegsgeschichte," of the Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt. Stuttgart : Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1977. 296 pp. bibliography, documents, index. DM 48.- The steady stream of titles relating to the World War II period shows no sign of diminishing-evidence of the voracious appetite for information on this era. A fair number of these books contribute relatively little that is new, but from time to time there are volumes that are of considerable value for scholars. Both of the books dis- cussed here belong into this latter category. Peter Gosztony, perhaps the best known authority on the military affairs of South- eastern Europe during the World War II years, has set out to describe the participation of the contingents furnished by Germany's allies and satellite states during the Russian campaign. Only regular army formations, Italian, Finnish, Romanian, Hungarian, Slovak, and Croat are included; the book does not cover the various volunteer and auxiliary units, Waffen SS, and Wehrmacht, serving under German command. The specialist will probably be aware of many of the details in this volume, though the combination of discussing political motivations, the various degrees of compulsion exerted by Germany, together w-ith the formations, equipment, and performance of these foreign armies, is a novel approach. Utilizing a great variety of published materials, though no unpub- lished archival sources, the author has provided an excellent picture of the fortunes of these allied armies, over one million strong in 1942. Overall, Romania and Finland, the cornerstones of the Eastern Front, were most willing to participate in Hitler's war, both nations hoping to regain lost territory and, at least in the flush of early victories, even dreaming of expansion. Finland, preserving an astonishing degree of political and operational freedom, sobered up fast, while the Romanians persevered with expansionist dreams until the summer of 1943. Not sur- prisingly perhaps, the Finns and Romanians turned in the best fighting performance, while neither the Hungarians nor the Italians had the equipment or the motivation to do their best. Hungary was dragged into the war unprepared and under circumstances still obscure, while Italian participation was based on the Duce's desire for status with the Führer and not on any clearly perceived national interest. The Croats, one regiment, were tough; the Slovaks basically indifferent. In a war that approached totality and was marked by unspeakable atrocities com- mitted against the civilian population, it is pleasant to find that the Italians preserved their humanity, a fact that later helped many an Italian to survive the debacles of 1942- 43. By this time, of course, the various allies were wavering and by 1944 had defected, or at least tried to, from their former comrades in arms. These events, at least in South- eastern Europe, have already been discussed in the author's Endkampf an der Donau 1944/45 (Wien, 1970), but there is little overlap and additional material is provided. Altogether, this is a worthwhile volume. The Umbreit volume, though definitely written for the specialist, is even more impdrtant. This meticulous study, extensively documented from German archival sources, deals with a very short period. Despite the title, there is little about the German military administration in Czechoslovakia, a transient affair; the bulk of this work deals with the German military rule in occupied Poland from September to the end of Novem- ber, 1939. ' The author provides a short survey of the preparations for military government</p>
 <p>133 undertaken by the German army in ' the 1930s, shows how inadequate these were during the occupation of Austria, the Sudetenland, and the rump Czech state, and reveals the dichotomy between the military and the party-political authorities. However, and this is the most important revelation of this work, the author clearly shows that from the very outset of the Polish campaign the German army, contrary to widely held opinion, did not fight a "clean war." Without falling into an accusatory tone, the author demon- strates the systematic and repeated violations of the laws of war-brutality, mass execu- tions, indiscriminate firing at civilians-and similar incidents. To be sure, Wehrmacht actions were restrained compared to the behavior of the SS and Police formations, but Umbreit demolishes the often heard assertion that the army was appalled by, and on occasion even actively opposed to, the genocidal activities of the SS and Police. As he observes, atrocities were committed not only by the SS and the Police, but also "the army only too frequently assisted actively in the killing." (p. 155) This indictment, made calmly and substantiated by massive documentary evidence, presented here under the auspices of the prestigious West German Militargeschichtliches Forschungsamt, connot be dismissed as propaganda. The author has not written this work to arouse emotions, he is not pleading a special case. The language throughout is restrained, the tone neutral, the evidence marshalled simply overwhelming. Far from being men of honor and soldierly restraint, German officers and men, from the very out- set of the war acted with excessive brutality and on occasion clear sadism against civil- ian Poles as well as Jews, whom they considered racially inferior. The line dividing these soldiers from Himmler's dedicated mass killers was very thin and obscure. The evidence presented provides a telling counterpoint to recent attempts by German right-wing historians to play down the purpose, scope, and intensity of German geno- cidal activities during World War II. It is a great pity that the sober scholarly style and the imposing scholarly apparatus, together with the short time-span and limited geo- graphic focus of this study, probably will prevent it from reaching the audience and the attention it deserves, though it is absolute "must reading-' for any historian working in the World War II period. And at a time when there are all too many ominous signs of a revival and whitewash of the Nazi era both in Germany and abroad, the author and the Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt deserve to be praised for bringing us this book, truly in the best tradition of German historical scholarship. Gunther E. Rothenberg Purdue University Lebensbilder zur Geschichte der bohmischen Länder. Band 2. Herausgegeben im Auftrag des Collegium Carolinum von Karl Bosl. München und Wien: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1976. Illus. 258 pp. DM 28.- Karl Bosl. Böhmen und seine Nachbarn. Gesellschaft, Politik und Kultur in Mitteleuropa. München und Wien: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1976. 346 pp. DM 50.- In the second volume of his Lebensbilder, Karl Bosl presents several biographies of historic German and Czech Bohemian persons. Ernst Schwarz analyzes the bilingual poet Johannes von Tepl, author of the poem "Ackermann," who probably wrote the Czech antipode of this poem, called "Tkadlecek." The fact that the authors of both poems mourn the death of a beloved wife indicates that authorship could be ascribed to one person. Heribert Sturm describes the life of St. Joachimsthal's clergyman and teacher, Johannes Mathesius, writer of a collection of sermons and intimate collaborator of Mar- tin Luther. Ferdinand Seibt deals with Jan Amos Komenskk (Comenius) as a mystic author who, by the year 1614, had planned a great didactic Encyclopedia. After losing three succes-</p>
 <p>134 sive wives, two sons, and finally his native country, Comenius in his deep despair became absorbed in writing and produced Centrum Securitatis, Labyrinth of the Heart, and Para- dise of the Heart. In 1631, his chief work Ianua Linguarum appeared, presenting a new kind of Latin textbook and opening a modem era in the study of languages. The collapse of his political plan-restitution of Bohemian Brethem Unity-deepened his personal tra- gedy. Hubert Rosel presents the life and work of the Czech revivalist, historian, and linguist Josef Dobrovsky, whose scholarly work embraces many branches of knowledge. Sup- ported by the aristocratic families of Nostitz and Sternberg, he studied Slavic and founded the Litterarisches Magazin von B6hmen und Mdhren, and The Slovanka, dealing with Sla- vic literature. The essay "Antonin Bocek" by Emil Schieche analyzes the work of histor- iographer Antcnin Bodek, who published the Moravian, an historical source book which is not always reliable. Not everybody knows that Johann Freiherr von Liebig belongs to the great persons whose native land was Bohemia. Christoph Stolzl deals with the famous industrialist who founded the Bohemian fabric industry. The Austrian minister of educa- tion, Count Leo Thun, plays an important part in modern Bohemian history. Friedrich Prinz considers him a "Janus head with a progressive and a reactionary face." His govern- orship of Bohemia in the revolutionary years 1848/49 is important to Bohemian history. Thun, endangered by radicals, remained temperate. As Austrian State Secretary of Edu- cation he reorganized the higher educational system, which reform was in force until the twentieth century. In 1855, he concluded the Concordat with the Holy See. Franz Spina belongs to more recent Bohemian history. Harald Bachman characterizes him as an activist, loyal to the Czechoslovak Republic. A professor of Slavistics at Prague's German Charles University, he entered active politics, and finally became a member of the Czechoslovak cabinet during the years 1926 to 1938. The last year was fatal not only to Czechoslovakia but also to Franz Spina, who died at this time. The leader of Social Democrats in Bohemia was Josef Seliger. Klaus Zessner, in his article, describes Seliger as an energetic, democratic leader who wanted through democracy, not revolution, to trans- form the bourgeois state into a socialistic one. As a member of the Austrian Parliament from 1907 to 1918, Seliger was a specialist on national and constitutional lingual prob- lems. The last article of the volume deals with Emil Orlik by Frantz Masche. The son of a a Prague ghetto resident, Orlik was interested in Chinese and Japanese painting as well as in graphic art and portraits. He traveled extensively through the world, and while in Ber- lin came in contact With the theater through Max Reinhardt. Portrayer and cartoonist at the peace conference after World War I, he became Berlin's fashionable painter, and fi- nally came to the United States. Many sketches remain from this period. In conclusion, the Lebensbilder presents an interesting summary of the history of Bohemian regions. Although written solely by German scholars, the work is a product of a team working sine ira and studio. ' . Karl Bosl's Bõhmen und seine Nachbarn is a supplement to Lebensbilder zur Ge- schichte der Bbhmisch en Ldnder. Bohemia and Moravia joined Western civilization in the ninth century. A deciding factor was the missionary activity of Regensburg with its clois- ter St. Emmeram, and the monasteries of Corvey and Fulda. The Bohemian magnates were baptized in the year 845. However, the Moravian duke Privina had accepted Chris- tianity in 835. The later Moravian duke Rastislav tried to shake off East-Franconian authority and asked the Byzantine emperor for Greek missionaries; he was sent the Brothers Cyrill and Methodius. These two missionaries, speaking old Slavic, reorganized the Christian Church in Moravia. According to the newest excavations, the center of this Great Christian Moravian Kingdom was called Velehrad, and is known today as Stare Mesto. The Great Moravian Kingdom was destroyed by the invasion of the Hungarians in the years 905/06. Bohemia at that time produced two saints, the martyrs Duke Wenceslas</p>
 <p>135 and the bishop Adalbert-Vojtgch. Although its strength is medieval history, Bosl's book deals not only with that, but also with modern history and the leading strata of the Czechoslovak Republic. It presents a very interesting picture, and an extremely strict critic can find only a few mistakes. For example, the emperor and king, Sigismund, in the fifteenth century was not a Habsburg, but a Luxemburger. Despite some mistakes and incorrect Czech spellings, the book is a valuable contribution to Bohemian history. Rudolph F. Wierer Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville Václav Zá � ek. Frantisek A. Zach. Praha: Melantrich, 1977. 323 pp. K � s. 30. More than perhaps any other ninteenth-century Slav enthusiast, the life work of the Moravian Czech, Frantisek Alexandr Zach, embodied the spirit of cooperation among the small Slavic peoples of East Central Europe. It is therefore hardly surprising that, as the culmination of a long career, the leading student of inter-Slav relations, the dis- tinguished Czech scholar Vaclav Zacek, has provided us with the first comprehensive bio-. graphy of this remarkable 'Czech patriot, Polish emigrant, Slovak Volunteer, and Serbian general." In fact, the course of ?á?ek's scholarly interests has in large measure paralleledl l the successive stages of Zach's own career: In studies on Polish-Czech relations and the policies of the Polish 6migris toward the Danubian Slavs; then on the Slav Congress and inter-Slav relations during the upheavals of 1 848-49 ; and, more recently, in studies on the Serbs and on Czech-South Slav relations. ?á_?ek's contribution to the study of inter-Slav relations is examined at length by Zdzis1aw Grot in the Polish journal Studia Historica Slavo-Germanica, II [ 1 97 3 ] .) As a student in Brno and Vienna in the 1820s, Zach became imbued with the sense of Czech and Slav patriotism that was being fostered in Romantic verse and philological studies. Swept up by the infectious polonophilism that the November, 1830, revolution sparked, Zach joined the insurgents and later followed the Polish exiles to France. In the 1840s he acted as mediator in the polemical exchanges between the Messianist Mickiewicz, the Pan-Slav Kollar, and the Austro-Slav Leo Thun. In 1843, having ac- cepted a post in Belgrade as an emissary of the Polish Prince Adam Czartoryski, Zach aided the Serbian minister Ilija Garasanin in drawing up the Nac?ertanije, a program of 1844 for South Slav unity. At the Slav Congress in Prague Zach was called on to draft the agenda, served as a liaison between the South Slav delegates and the Czech congress organizers, and aided Palacky in preparing the congress' Manifesto to the Nations of Europe. After the triumph of counterrevolution in Prague, Zach joined the armed resistance of the Slovak patriots against the Magyars. In 1850 he returned to Belgrade, where he was appointed to head the Serbian military academy and, over the next three decades, was an adviser to three Serbian princes. Zach's views, Zá?ek maintains, never progressed beyond the political liberalism of the i 1840s. He identified himself with the antirevolutionary stance of Serbian Prince Michael in the 1860s and opposed the more socially radical Young Serb and Omladina move- ments. In 1875 Zach led the Serbian forces in battle against the Turks. Two years later . he marched with the victorious Serbian Prince Milan into Niš and the lower Morava basin lands, which, years before, Zach and the Austrian cartographer Hahn had explored and mapped. Zach retired from Serbian service in 1883 and returned to his native Moravia, where he died in 1892 at the age of eighty-four. His life had indeed put into practice the ideal of Slav reciprocity that had inspired him as a youth. Lawrence D. Orton Oakland University</p>
 <p>136 Zden � k Šolle. Pr � kopníci: Josef Boleslav Pecka, Ladislav Zápotocký, Josef Hybes (Kniznice ZÁRE). Praha: Práce, 1975. 237 pp. K � s 24,- Paper. This is an account of the political and journalistic activities of three founders of the Czech social democratic movement in the second half of the nineteenth century: Josef Boleslav Pecka, Ladislav Zapotocky, and Josef Hybeš. Since each of these three pioneers of Czech socialism is dealt with in a separate chapter, there is a good deal of overlapping and repetition. The author stresses the working-class background of each man, traces the beginnings of their involvement in the nascent socialist movement in Austria, and, constantly quoting from articles written by the trio in various workers' and socialist newspapers, analyzes their impact on the development of Czech social democracy. The struggle of the three men for the political, social, and economic rights of Czech workers and their efforts to build a viable political and trade-union movement are graphically described. Sometimes they met with limited success, at other times with imprisonment, but most often with frustration. In several places the author deals with a competition between the social democrats and the Young Czech Party for the al- legiance of Czech workers. As a result of the large-scale persecution of social democrats in the early 1880s, Pecka's and Zapotocky's activities came to a virtual halt. Pecka emigrated to the United States, where he continued to work in the Czech social-democratic movement until his death in 1897. Zipotock? returned to his native village and actively reentered the political arena for a while only after the turn of the century. He died in 1916. Their place in the leadership of the Czech social democracy was taken over by Josef Hybe's who, at the age of thirty-four, returned from Vienna, where he had been active in the Austrian socialist movement. Hybe§, years later, witnessed a genuine success for Czech social democracy. In 1897 he was elected to the Viennese Reichsrat and, after the found- ing of Czechoslovakia and the split within the social-democratic movement, was one of the co-founders of the Czechoslovak Communist Party. The book suffers from several weaknesses. The author's decision not to include footnotes and bibliography at times makes it difficult for the reader to differentiate between fact and fancy. Some events in the book are not sufficiently covered, while others are not described with complete accuracy. The most serious weakness, however, is the slanting in several places of the political stance of these three pioneers of Czech socialism. According to the author, the three central figures in the book must be viewed as "revolutionaries in the meaning of Lenin's words" (p. 51). It is highly questionable, however, whether such a description would stand rational analysis, at least for Pecka and Zapotocky. The selection of quotations from various articles written by the three men is done in a very arbitrary manner. The uninitiated reader may thus be led to conclusions which do not necessarily correspond to historical truth. For example, the author suggests that Pecka's work helped to found a movement which "in the period following World War II achieved, under the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, its final victory" (p. 82). This conclusion hardly corresponds to the interpretation of Pecka's political activities by more objective observers (see Frantisek Soukup's Revoluce Price [Praha, 1938], Vol. 1) or with Pecka's own words in an article in Orgunisace (Praha, 15 January 1878), which the author conveniently does not quote. Though a serious book, it is not without a few light moments. In one, the Czech police are shown to be bumbling at their best: in order to prevent a group of Czech social democrats from holding their meeting, the police arrested them all. Once in prison, however, they were all put, in the same cell where they promptly completed their pre- viously interrupted meeting (p. 112).</p>
 <p>137 When the author discusses the sentences handed down to Pecka, Zapotocky, and Hybes for their political "crimes," ranging from fines of ten gulden to prison terms of eighteen months, he unintentionally causes the readers to compare this leniency of Austrian courts with the harshness of Czechoslovak Communist courts, which sent the successors of these three pioneers of socialism to jail for long years. In spite of all the limitations mentioned above, the book will be of interest to Czech- reading students of the Czech and Austrian socialist movements. Jiri Horak Manhattan College Paul Vysný. Neo-Slavism and the Czechs 1898-1914. "Soviet and East European Series." Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977. 1 map. 3 tables. xiv, 287 pp. $21.95. Paul monograph focuses on a rather neglected subject-Neo-Slavism. Neo- Slavism was a short-lived movement attempting to foster a Russo-Polish reconcilation and an Austro-Russian rapprochement, thereby improving the position of the Slavs in Austria-Hungary and freeing the Slavs from German domination. Unfortunately for the . study of the movement, the leading Czech Neo-Slav, Dr. Karel Kramai, was tried and convicted of treason by the Austro-Hungarian government in 1916. That charge has em- broiled the movement in the question of responsibility for the outbreak of World War I, imparting a highly polemical cast to many of the early studies of Neo-Slavism: German studies prosecuted the movement, Czech studies defended it, and Western scholars dis- missed the conspiracy charge as ridiculous. Czech scholars have shown the greatest inter- est in Neo-Slavism, because it was largely a Czech initiative, and their recent studies have provided valuable information on the movement despite their Marxist framework and pro-Russian orientation. Vysny has surpassed his predecessors in producing a comprehen- sive and balanced picture of an often maligned subject. Vysny's purpose is to evaluate the significance of the Neo-Slav movement. The bulk of his material is drawn from Czech sources, although he does attempt to include Rus- sian developments. He collates a variety of materials-the official records of the move- ment, contemporary newspaper accounts, recollections of participants, and reports of diplomatic observers. Many of these sources are suspect, and Vy šný makes judicious use of them, noting the possibility that the official proceedings were censored and contrast- ing overly optimistic assessments made during the height of the movement with overly pessimistic or apologetic statements made after its demise. Vysny's major contribution is his painstakingly thorough reconstruction of events and of the attitudes of the partici- pants. Most of this material is made available in English for the first time and is a wel- come addition to our knowledge of the period. Many of Vysny's conclusions, on the other hand, follow lines laid down by his prede- cessors. Edvard Benes has treated Neo-Slavism as a form of Austro-Slavism. J. F. N. Brad- ley has attributed the movement largely to Kram?ff's political ambitions and the force of his personality. Karel Herman has developed the theme of the economic origins of Neo- Slavism in the desire of the Czech industrial bourgeoisie to expand into Russian markets. Vysny incorporates all of the above themes into his work. While most previous studies have laid the failure of Neo-Slavism to external events-specifically the continued repres- sion of the Poles in the Russian Empire and the rupture in Austro-Russian relations pro- duced by the 1908 annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina-Vysny carries his analysis one step further by noting that these external developments reveal a basic weakness of Neo-Slavism: the inability of its proponents (some of whom were members of the Vien- na Reichsrat or the Russian Duma) to influence policy in their respective countries. He argues that Neo-Slavism was fundamentally a political program but was forced by the</p>
 <p>138 pre-war international situation and conditions in the Habsburg and Russian Empires to eschew politics. The political impotence of Neo-Slavism is Vysny's most penetrating con- clusion and a valuable contribution to our understanding of the movement and its failure. It places Neo-Slavism in the larger context of the liberal dilemma in the pseudo-constitu- tional regimes of Eastern Europe before World War I. Marilyn J. Webb Denison University Victor M. Fic. Revolutionary War for Independence and the Russian Question. Czecho- slovak Army in Russia 1914-1918. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1977. xv, 270 pp. $12.00. This is the first of three projected volumes dealing with policies and strategies toward Russia which leaders of the Czechoslovak independence movement adopted during the World War L It covers the period in which the Czechoslovak independence movement in Russia, especially its army, was organized until its first encounters with the Bolsheviks in early 1918. Using mostly sources favorable to Thomas Garrigue Masaryk and Eduard Beneš, it is written from the pro-Masaryk (pro-Western) point of view. Notes, bibliography, and ihdex are very useful. The bibliography lists several archives which were consulted, including the one at the Yale University Library, but the work does not contain any reference to the William Wiseman Papers deposited there. These papers show conclusively the link between Masaryk and some of his co-workers, on the one hand, and the British Secret Service (MI lc, now known as MI 6), on the other hand. Thus the work does not mention Wiseman's Russian schemes and the sending of Czech- British agents to Russia in 1917, nor does it mention Masaryk's co-operation with the British agents operating in Russia at that time. Yet documents which are available now in the British Public Records Office, the manuscript collection at the Yale University Library, and archives in Prague throw a distinctly new light on the Czech movement for independence. They show how the great powers were using political emigres (Masaryk and Josef Durich in particular) in their propaganda and, due to the pivotal position of the Czech Lands and Slovakia in East Central Europe, as an instrument for future control of the area. This is the longest and most exhaustive study in English of the Czechoslovak indepen- dence movement in Russia during World War I. It may be pointed out, however, that although within the movement there were individuals and groups oriented toward Russia, which was the first of the great powers to come out in favor of Czechoslovak independence, the present study minimizes their significance and largely ignores their arguments. It emphasizes the factors which led Masaryk to refuse to link the fate of ascending Czechoslovakia with the fate of Russia, both Tsarist and Soviet. After the fall of Tsarist, and before the advent of Bolshevik, Russia, however, there was an interlude during which national and democratic Russia was emerging. The pro- Russian oriented leaders of the Czechoslovak independence movement in Russia pointed out rather clearly that Bolshevism was not merely a Russian but also a European prob- lem, that the policy of "non-involvement" in Russian domestic affairs played into the hands of the Bolsheviks, and that defeat of the national Russia would have, in the long run, severe consequences for the Czechs and Slovaks. But Masaryk failed to foresee that the survival of the future democratic Czechoslovakia depended, to a great extent, on the fate of democratic and national Russia. Due to its collapse, Czechoslovakia was able to extricate it§elf from Russian influence in the short run, but had to pay dearly for it in the long run.</p>
 <p>139 In some instances Fic does not accept Masaryk's arguments. For example, in his memoirs Masaryk claims that in order to defeat the Bolsheviks in 1918 it would have been necessary for the Allies to declare war on them. Fic believes, however, that Masaryk overestimated the strength of the Bolsheviks and that the Czechoslovak army in Russia was strong enough to defeat them when they were weak, in January-March 1918, had Masaryk decided on such a course of action. (p. 204) Indeed, Masaryk admitted such a possibility himself in December, 1918, and in the fall of 1920, when he discussed the issue. The information is in Masaryk's Cesta demokracie (Praha, 1933), pp. 39 and 369- 70. Fic does not use this source at all and refers merely to Masaryk's Sv?tovd revoluce. Also, the name in the British passport carried by Masaryk was Thomas George Marsden and not Marden (p. 106). Incidentally, Fic never mentions for what purpose the British sent Masaryk to Russia in 1917. It was the State Rights Progressive party that advocated in its pre-war program a fully independent Czech state and not the "Czech Socialist Party" whose actual name was Social and not Socialist (stralla národne sociálm). Fic's explanation of the origins and activities of that party before the war leaves something to be desired. His claim that already before World War I "all Czech political parties, except the Social Democratic Party, gave up all hopes in a reasonable accommodation within the Imperial confines and that they started to look for new solutions" (p. 112) cannot be substantiated. Joseph Kalvoda Saint Joseph College, West Hartford Cecil Parrott. The Bad Bohemian. The Life of Jaroslav Hasek, Creator of the Good Sol- dier Švejk. London: The Bodley Head, 1978. 295 pp. £10. If the price of genius is eccentricity, then this trait was sui generis in the person of Jaroslav Hasek as this biography by Cecil Parrott admirably conveys. From childhood onward Hasek demonstrated a defiance of authority, love of practical jokes, rebelliousness against traditional morality, and personal anarchism (far more destructive than his poli- tical anarchism) that marked him till 1923, when he died from pneumonia (and probably cirrhosis of the liver) before his fortieth birthday. Consumed by a gluttonous appetite for gherkins and alcohol, Hašek abandoned Jarmila Mayerovi, the only woman he seems genuinely to have loved, and the child of their ill-fated marriage for his pub-crawling ad- ventures. The Austrian police, who knew Hašek well, nonetheless repeatedly succumbed to his hoaxes. After Austria went to war with Russia in 1914, Ha§ek wished to test whether a certain Prague hotel porter was a police hireling. He registered at the hotel as Moscow merchant "Ivan Fddorovich Kuznetsov" and listed the purpose of his visit as "Checking up on the General Staff." His suspicions about the porter were instantly confirmed by the appearance of a horde of gendarmes seeking to apprehend him. Despite such pranks and much worse transgressions, the authorities treated Hasek with surprising leniency, Sir Cecil notes, out of "a sort of perverse affection for him." Parrott observes that his biography is the first to have been written outside of Czech- oslovakia, a deficiency he attributes to the inaccessibility of much Hasekiana and a dearth of autobiographical data left by Hasek himself. Parrott overcame these obstacles through use of his superb knowledge of the Czech milieu and the cooperation of the Czechoslo- vak Academy of Sciences in Prague, where he spent the fall of 1 975 conducting research. The outcome is that there will be no need for narrative biographies of Ha§ek after this one, although critical and interpretive studies of Hasek's many writings will always be needed. Parrott's Bad Bohemian springs to life on these pages through the same skilfully craft-</p>
 <p>140 ed prose that Parrott commanded in his translation into English of The Good Soldier gveik (1973). To produce this biography, the author interviewed people who had known Hasek, consulted with Czech literary experts, and perused dozens of newspaper articles Hašek is suspected of having written. Even Parrott's carte blanche in Czechoslovakia had its limits, however, for he tells us in his preface that "the problem of sending material out of the country has not yet been solved satisfactorily." Parrott's work details Hasek's conversion from a Czech prisoner of war in tsarist Rus- sia into a Bolshevik commisar and then a Bolshevik agent in republican Czechoslovakia. It also describes the evolution of Josef Svejk from an idea into a sprawling published work. Its account of Hasek's final illness and death is poignant and lean, with suspicion of hoaxes accompanying the writer into his grave. Ha§ek, Parrott writes, "lived in a never- never land of his own, which was a harsh and cruel one, more the world of Swift and Gogol than of fairies, Red Indians and pirates." . This biography depicts not merely Hašek but also the unusual conjunction of talent and circumstance that made Prague's cabarets and editorial offices early in this century a spawning ground for many remarkable artists. No satirist or caricaturist, however, was more effective than Hasek in turning every moral standard upside down, in ridiculing the instruments of social control, and in showing through life itself the gravity of his aliena- tion. With Parrott's help we see how Hašek challenged the hypocrisy and ludicrousness of bourgeois-bureaucratic Central European society at its creative zenith, before it suc- 'cumbed to philistinism, aggression, and suffocation. Stanley B. Winters New Jersey Institute of Technology Die demokratisch-parlamentarische Struktur der Ersten Tschechoslowakischen Republik. Edited by Karl Bosl. München: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1975. 278 pp. DM 44.- Prewar Czechoslovakia has on the whole been neglected in Western political litera- ture. Thus, this work is a welcome addition to the field and will be appreciated as such by students of Czechoslovak politics. The twelve chapters which comprise this book were first presented as a series of lectures at a symposium of the Collegium Carolinum in Bad Wiesee am Tegersee, West Germany, at the end of 1974. Not all the chapters are directly related to the title of the book: some are linked only in a peripheral way. But with a few exceptions, the chapters are excellent and extremely well documented, although mostly with the help of secondary sources. The section on socio-economic development correctly notes that economic problems in prewar Czechoslovakia were often publicly discussed and that during the period of the world economic crisis the solution of the economic problems often lay beyond the possibilities of the Prague government. There is a very informative chapter on mass organizations and an extremely interesting insight into the operation of numerous in- terest organizations and their relationship to the country's political life. The essay on the Communist Party, which discusses in great detail the background of the party's founding and its tumultuous relationship with its mentors in Moscow, is one of the best in the book. The author makes full use of the large bibliography which has appeared in Czechoslovakia in recent years, even though as a parliamentary force the Communist Party played a negligible role in the politics of the First Republic. The Slovak problem is effectively presented and solidly documented. The book contains two interesting chapters on a topic usually ignored in other works on Czecho- slovak politics: namely, the public administration, which was, in the main, inherited from the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. The excellent chapter on German parties in</p>
 <p>141 Czechoslovakia regretfully covers only the first decade of the republic's life. The remaining chapters, though on the whole interesting and some of high quality, have not really much in common with the title of the book. One of them, however, must be mentioned here: namely, that on the attitude of British foreign-policy makers toward Czechoslovakia. This discussion is based almost entirely on primary sources, especially British Foreign Office documents. Here a very sobering picture of the British. stance toward Czechoslovakia is painted. London leaders were much more critical of the Czechoslovak government, especially of President Edvard Beneš, than is commonly known. The work at hand would be better if it contained an exhaustive treatment of those political parties. that underpinned the prewar Czechoslovak system, specifically the Agrarian, the Social Democratic, the National Socialist, and the Populist. The Agrarian Party, which supplied all the country's prime ministers from 1922 to 1938, receives less than three pages in an undistinguished chapter on the mentality and politics,of the Czech conservatives, while the Populists are given even less space. As for the Social Democrats and the National Socialists, nothing is said except in peripheral references, even though they were fairly important forces in inter-war political life. Another short- coming of the book, in view of its ambitious title, is the absence of any discussions of the Czechoslovak electoral system, of party domination in the selection of candidates for office, and of the one-sided relationship between the executive and legislative branches to the advantage of the former. Jiri Horak Manhattan College Frantisek Mainus. Totáln � nasazeni (1939-1945). "Edice Archiv 12." Praha: Mladá fronta, 1974. Illus. 212 pp. K � s 18,- Paper. The description and analysis of what happened in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia (the western remnant of Czechoslovakia after 1939) during World War II is one of the neglected areas of inquiry both in the West and in the socialist countries. One should, therefore, be thankful for any contribution that appears in print. Unfortunately, F. Mainus's second book on how the Czechs were recruited to work for the Germans (mostly in Germany)-although it deals with an important aspect of the wartime history - fails to be of much use. It is an anecdotal, journalistic story full of citations of individ- ual stories as expressed in letters sent home by the conscripted workeis. As a result, the kind of questions one would like to ask about the use of Czech work- ers in Germany during the war, and about the domestic consequences of the increasingly drastic draft, are ignored. The author provides some useful information: for example, af- ter March, 1939, the recruiting offices for work in Germany were "beleaguered" by in- terested Czechs (during the first week alone, 9,500 Czechs had agreed to go to Germany; by the end of 1939, 90,000 had gone); some statistics are provided on the results of the conscription that was initiated in 1943 and increasingly lowered in age until they reached those born in 1927/28 (in January 1945); and there are even some interesting figures on the success of evading the forced draft (in Prague, out of the 4,000 women eligible for conscription in 1943, 1,100 became pregnant). But mostly the book consists of "human interest" stories of how the Czechs fared in Germany, how they got along with other na- tionalities (including the Germans), and, of course, how they helped their Russian com- rades who were living under far worse conditions. At times, these stories are moving and give one a feel both for the period and the people involved; at other times they have been obviously selected for more propagandistic value. B. Kymlicka University of Western Ontario</p>
 <p>142 Johann Wolfgang Brügel. Tschechen und Deutsche 1939-1946. München: Nymphen- burger Verlagshandlung, 1974. 325 pp. DM 65.- A sequel to the author's justly acclaimed study of the Czech-German coexistence between the wars, the present volume is not quite what its title suggests. Rather than a comprehensive account of the multi-faceted relationship between the two peoples at the time of World War II, it concerns overwhelmingly the genesis of the cataclysmic expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from Czechoslovakia in the war's aftermath. On this highly emotional issue. BIÜgel has collected a wealth of new and pertinent information and analyzed it sharply and even-handedly, thus superseding the previous account by Radomir Lu?a. Not unexpectedly for those familiar with the main contours of the story, President Benes emerges from Brdgel's description as the dynamic chief architect of the "trans- fer"-an idée fixe which he pursued with an obstinacy and deviousness hard to reconcile with his image of a moderate democratic statesman. Less familiar is the fact that the Soviet Union-not to speak of the Western powers-never formally endorsed this dras- tic solution, although the Russians let the Czech Communists make political capital by clamoring for it-a double-faced policy duly recorded but, regrettably, not further scrutinized. Brilgel generously, though not altogether convincingly, maintains that the non- Communist Czech underground, reflecting the Czechs' majority opinion, did not want so radical a solution either. This does not tally with the messages exchanged between the leaders of that underground and the London government-in-exile in 1941. But few, if any, unprejudiced readers would question the author's main conclusion that in the last analysis "the name of the gravedigger of the Sudeten Germans was Adolf Hitler." Apart from what directly predetermined the transfer, the book sketches but cur- sorily the two peoples' attitudes toward each other during their fateful confrontation. While the highlights of the Nazi occupation policies are summarized fairly enough, little is said about the complex problems of Czech resistance, and next to nothing about the tantalizing issue of Czech collaboration. Yet these very aspects of the war- time conduct would have added the missing link needed to fully understand the ex- cesses which afterwards accompanied the efforts to get rid of the obnoxious minority. Mass psychological factors would have further helped to explain why a generation later the memory of the mutual injustice the Germans and the Czechs had inflicted upon each other promoted their reconciliation-despite self-serving efforts to the con- trary by politicians on both sides. In 1968, the candid admission of the excesses of the transfer by the Czechoslovak reformers-not a few of whom had previously abetted them-was as symptomatic of that reconciliation as was the gracious reception so many of them subsequently sought and obtained in West Germany-the new homeland of those expelled. There is no Czech-German problem today any more than a French- German one; in this respect, the present book serves as an appropriate epitaph to a painful episode which happily belongs to history. Vojtech Mastny University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Cecilia Sternberg. The Journey: An Autobiography. New York: The Dial Press/James Wade, 1977. 8 pp. Plates. 576 pp. $12.50. The Journey is a profuse opus about the peregrinations of Cecilia Sternberg, n6e Re- ventlow-Criminil, countess on both accounts. German by origin, British by birth, she married in 1928 the jovial Czech aristocrat Leopold Sternberg, lame as a result of paying</p>
 <p>143 his dues to the Kaiser in World War 1. Commuting between their two country seats via all Europe, they met everybody who was somebody of the aristocracy, if not royalty. Cos- mopolitan by inclination, Madame Sternberg admits that she had come to feel as a Czech, although her attitude toward the Czechs is somewhat condescending. Certainly her syste- matic misspelling of Czech words is outright offensive on the printed page. One glosses over the fact that she calls her husband's mistress "Annicka" or her servant "Czerni" (with a refreshing comment that he became a communist "perhaps because he had seen too much of our way of life"); but one cringes over "Pallacki," the historian, or the damage she does to the national anthem, or her use of "Slavonic" instead of "Slavic." While claiming that after Munich their apartment in Prague's Palace of the Knights of Malta was a "centre of intrigue and resistance," she does not give details; she recalls, however, their aid to at least one Nazi general during the May, 1945, revolution. After 1948 she, her husband, and "the child" (seldom referred to as Diana) journeyed into exile with numerous trunks and valises, containing the family silver, furs, and other valuables. She failed to take the customary crepe-de-chine sheets, so she sprayed the train seats with Chanel No. 5. "Annicka" followed shortly. In America her husband, while dispens- ing free advice to fellow-refugees (and not loath to pinch waitresses' bottoms), was un- able to find a job. She tried her hand at ceramics and jewelry making. They finally land- ed as hotel-keepers in Jamaica (sans "Annicka"), where husband died, daughter got mar- ried ; heroine then returned to England. For the historian, there are meager pickings in the book. Cecilia's affair with U.S. am- bassador to Czechoslovakia, Laurence Steinhardt, is one of the highlights. She reports that he knew ahead of time of the Russian takeover of Czechoslovakia; one would have to verify this from his official correspondence. Over three hundred pages later, she diag- noses that Steinhardt helped her-and others-escape after February 1948, not only be- cause of her charms, but because he felt "guilty, knowing he had been over-confident in his powers to save the country for the West." She does not give details of the takeover; she only mentions passim that aside from the betrayal of Czechoslovakia by the West, it was caused by the lack of Czech national self-confidence. Besides, had the Czechs allowed the Kaiser to be crowned as Czech kinf, the republic would not have been created. This is not a scholarly work, and it does not claim to be. Dates are lacking almost completely, and by inference some dates seem wrong. Except for a helpful index, there is no scholarly apparatus, no footnotes, bibliography, or genealogical tables; there are eight pages of photographs. The author's credibility suffers by statements like "every- body throughout the country" knew her husband on sight; outside their enchanted cir- cle, most people did not. The book is a mirror to the socializing and inter-marriages of the idle rich, traveling-as Voskovec and Werich aptly put it-for "wintersporty do aus- landu." ' Miraculously, Cecilia Sternberg emerges from the lengthy tome as quite a woman, de- serving admiration and respect. She is intelligent, courageous, energetic, not afraid to dir- ty her hands at any work, going through life with open eyes, at times mocking her own class. Her style is chatty and, except for cumbersome double flashbacks, very readable. This autobiography should be a smashing success in Europe, where people could gorge themselves on gossip about the comings and goings of eminences with names stretching from Bismarcks and Fuggers to Sz6chenyis and Trubetskois. The ultimate lesson of The Journey is the confirmation that being an aristocrat by birth only is not a safe profession in the twentieth century. ' Vera Laska Regis College</p>
 <p>144 Ludek Pachman. Checkmate in Prague: The Memoirs of a Grandmaster. Translated by Rosemary Brown. New York: Macmillan, 1975. 216 pp. $8.95. This work discusses the highpoints in a life devoted since 1945 to chess and since 1967 to politics as well. Until his first arrest and incarceration in August, 1969, on charges of anti-state activity, Ludgk Pachman was best known at home and abroad as a grandmaster in chess. Like many Czechoslovaks in 1968, he supported the Dubcek Action Program and the Two Thousand Words. After April, 1969, his refusal to disavow advocacy of "so- cialism with a human face" made him a leader among like-minded fellow citizens in op- position to First Secretary Huiak's policy of "normalization." . Pachman surveys his twenty-five years in professional chess, including championship matches with grandmasters Mikhail Botvinnik and Bobby Fischer, his organization dur- ing the fifties of chess tournaments for the Central Trade Union Council, and his subse- quent service as head of the foreign department of Czechoslovak Sport. He also describes his changing understanding of politics, from apolitical if not naive views during the fifties to an irrevocable commitment to the Prague Spring. Of the early fifties, he says, "Tens of thousands were being thrown into prison, hundreds of thousands robbed of their live- lihood.... No one told me about these things because the persecuted had no faith in us, the Communists. It may seem hard to believe that I knew nothing, but, unfortunately, that is the truth." This is indeed hard to believe. Pachman's memoirs offer little new information about the Prague Spring and its after- math but do present interesting first-hand observations. Occasionally, Pachman dwells on what might have been or on what ought to lave been, contending, for example, that had the Czechoslovak government early in 1968 declared its intention to resist foreign inter- vention, it might have discouraged any attack by its Warsaw Pact allies. In retrospect, he regrets that Czechoslovakia did not do more to resist invasion because "a nation cannot allow itself to be crushed repeatedly-the effect on its character, its psyche, is far from healthy." Thereafter, he, like many compatriots, was disappointed that "after a burst of indignation, the world fell silent." He expected too much of passive resistance to Soviet occupation but did, more forthrightly than most associates, honor Jan Palach while try- ing to persuade other youths not to immolate themselves in protest against continuing Czechoslovak governmental capitulation to Soviet demands. In detail and without losing his sense of humor, Pachman tells of his unpleasant life in prison from August, 1969, to December, 1970, and again from January to May, 1972. Thanks largely to encouragement from his wife and close friends like Ludvik Vaculik, he survived. Harsh though imprisonment may have been, Pachman suffered almost as much from hearing old friends like Emil Zitopek testify against him. He was less surprised by his expulsion from the Czechoslovak Chess Federation than by his afterward having re- ceived no official support from the International Chess Federaion, whose officers pre- ferred to do nothing that might offend the Soviet Union. Pachman's account of his trial in May, 1972, and ultimately successful efforts to leave Czechoslovakia reveal much about governmental capriciousness and petty vindictiveness. Noteworthy is Pachman's rediscovery of religion during his incarceration and his gra- dual disillusionment with the ideals as well as the-reality of communism. This is an intel- lectual odyssey similar to that of other East European Communists who recently have moved from an uncritical acceptance of Marxism to a critical advocacy of Christianity and civil liberties. Rosemary Brown's translation from the German text, Jezt kann ich sprechen, is gen- erally accurate and fluent. The book would have been improved by greater precision in dating events and by the addition of an index. Bruce Garver University of Nebraska at Omaha</p>
 <p>145 václav Král, editor. Úkoly ceskoslovenské historiografie: Soubor P � ísp � vk � z v � deck � ho seminá � e historik � -konmnist � z 10-11. XI. 1972. Praha: Academia, 1973. 232 pp. K � s. 27. The Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, as part of its efforts to evaluate developments in the social sciences in the post-Dubcek period and determine what future course should be taken, passed a resolution that urged holding seminars in seven fields. This book is a collection of thirty-two contributions to the first seminar. Communist historians were brought to Prague to discuss the present situation and the future tasks of the historical sciences in Czechoslovakia. Four of the contributions are in Slovak, the rest in Czech. Anyone who studes the social, ideological, and intellectual aspects of post-February Czechoslovakia should read these contributions. The nature of the conference proceed- ings sometimes makes the task tedious, since the basic analyses are frequently repetitive. The speakers name those who are considered guilty of "rightist" actions, including his- torians still fully active in the profession as well as those now in prison. Only one men- tion is made of Alexander Dubcek (p. 202). The speakers generally consider the "deformations" which culminated in the Prague spring to have been caused by insufticient attention paid to ideology. In part this was a result of the reaction to sterile Stalinist historical studies, coupled with the surviving in- fluence of "bourgeois" historiography. The West is charged with an active effort to achieve the defeat of socialism. The "untenable" position of "clean science" and the lack of political involvement are strongly cirticized. (Ironically, even Masaryk's name is cited in support of the need for such political involvement.) These shortcomings are blamed for the development of subjectivist interpretations which misled the public and Party members. While it is admitted that certain historical facts do not follow the laws of his- tory, such facts are not to be considered as negating Marxist theory. These facts, how- ever, ought not to be ignored as they were in the past, for they encouraged later distor- tions. Many of the speakers complain of the lack of both trained historians and synthetic works. It is suggested that the absence of such works might cause these newly trained specialists to arrive at "incorrect" conclusions. On the other hand, without sufficient his- torians the work on the synthetic interpretations proceeds very slowly. A synthesis to replace the three-volume l'fehled el*skoslovenskcych dLrjin (1957-60) is scheduled for the current five-year plan (1976-80), in which Czechoslovak history (using the term as re- ferring to the history of the geographical area of present-day Czechoslovakia) must be viewed in the framework of greater world processes and not as a unique development. Syntheses are also proposed for world history, military history, and the history of world socialism, but it is accepted that these are dreams of the future. No thought is given to preparing a synthesis for publication in a Western language such as Polish historians have written (Alexander Gieysztor et al., A History of Poland [ 196 8]). Neither is there any mention of a bibliographical survey to follow Josef Macek's 25 ans de l'historiographie tchécoslovaque 1936-1960, although several manuscript copies of a study for the 1960s circulate in Prague. More significant contributions are the keynote speech by Josef Poulik, summaries of the state of Slovak historiography (Jozef Hroziencik and Miroslav Kropilak), the general concepts of Czechoslovak history and how it can be more effectively studied (Oldnch the problems of creating an intelligentsia from the working class (Miroslav site- pinek), the study of Slovakia and Czech-Slovak relations in the Czech Lands (Zdenek Urban), and the use of quantitative history with computer assistance, particularly in the study of national development (esp. Josef Vytiska). Fields such as cultural and literary history and the history of education were presumably to be discussed in other seminars. The generally positive picture of Slovak research which emerges is striking. Little</p>
 <p>146 sense of revenge or purge appears and an olive branch is offered to those Slovaks who went "astray" in the "crisis period." This is reflected in the breadth of outstanding re- search which continues in Slovakia due to the relatively fewer dismissals there. Although the book is intended merely as a collection of the delivered lectures, it could have used a better editor. Some talks are titled, others are not; in some cases, the speaker's place of employment is given, while in others it is not. Frequently we are treated to an editorial "If I had more time, I would...." Yet there appears to have been some rearranging of the proceedings, for there is at least one reference to a speech identified as having pre- ceded another which actually followed it. Owen V. Johnson University ofMichigan Antonie van den Beld. Humanity: The Political and Social Philosophy of Thomas G. Masaryk. "Issues in Contemporary Politics, I." The Hague: Mouton, 1975. 162 pp. Gldrs. 25,- "Me writing of a study about Masaryk from the point of view of the history of philosophy requires some justification," says Beld at the outset. Rather than a few words, the best justification lies within the book itself. Not only did Beld reconsider Masaryk's ethics, social and political philosophy, but he also accomplished it in an exemplary and scholarly way. At the time when very few works on Masaryk are in exis- tence, suppressed again in Czechoslovakia, the book emerges as a monument resplendent with the humanity of the man who was the creator of one of the-best parliamentary democratic systems in the twentieth century. Beld selects themes central to Masaryk's ethical, social and political theories. He examines Masaryk's view on morality which he finds justified by itself and in itself. Masaryk's deep concern for Humanity translates itself into his understanding of na- tional independence, social justice, and democracy. Refuting the blindness and irration- ality of nationalism, Masaryk founds the concept of the national ideal on humanity and, ultimately, love. In a highly interesting analysis, Beld examines both social theory and practice, and the relation between humanity and socialism. Masaryk's criticism of Marxism is as valid today as it was forty to fifty years ago. He refuted Marx as an objectivist, for whom man in his subjectivity is not an object of philosophy. In a prophetic way, Masaryk saw the liquidation of an individual in Marx's theory which has been accompanied by the political suppression of masses of people in Communist countries. Masaryk saw socialism as justified from the ethical point of view, as a matter of humanity and love in action. His view on humanity echoes during the anti-stalinitic democratization in Czechoslovakia that culminated in the 1968 program of "socialism with a human face." Masaryk's words have a very timely sound: "Political policy should be rooted in ethical ideal, and especially in the notion of social justice." Humanity and respect for human life were his highest ideals in politics. It is a rule which can be valid for every politician today. Beld's book is an excellent, original work. He portrays Masaryk's ideas with lumi- nosity as living not only in the past but also in the present. He selects the most impor- tant problems. The book is based on a large-scale research of both primary and secon- dary sources, in many languages including the works published in Czechoslovakia during the sixties. Beld's knowledge of Masaryk's work is not only learned but intimate. While reading the book, we become aware that every sentence is based on solid, scientific research and written with deep personal involvement. It is, indeed, a truly scholarly and inspiring work worthy of Masaryk's tradition. Pavel Kovaly Northeastern University</p>
 <p>147 Milan Machove � [sic]. A Marxist Looks at Jesus. Introduction by Paul Hebblethwaite. London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1976. 231 pp. £2.95. In the opinion of Peter Hebblethwaite, who wrote the "Introduction" to A Marxist Looks at Jesus, Machovec's book "is a minor but indispensable Marxist classic which will replace Kautsky as a study of Jesus" (p. 17). It grew out of the conciliatory mood which prevailed during the 1960s when Marxist intellectuals and Christian theologians met on several occasions in order to engage in a friendly dialogue. Since the Czech Reformation always had a strong sense of social consciousness and exhibited a deeper understanding of eschatological thinking than most parts of Western civilization, it was only natural that in this dialogue Czechoslovakia, several years before the Dubcek era, would assume an important role. The book is remarkably free from pet Marxist phrases. Machovec, a former professor of philosophy at Charles University, is well acquainted with New Testament scholarship and is especially appreciative of Rudolf Bultmann and his school. However, the author, although a self-confessed Marxist, presents an eminently fair and even sympathetic por- trait of Jesus. Much like the scholars of Liberal Protestantism Machovec draws a sharp line between the "Jesus of history"-which picture, he believes, is largely recoverable from Synoptic Gospels-and the Christ who is preached, "the dogmatized image of Jesus Christ" (p. 203). Nevertheless he is far from making Jesus into a mere social revolution- ary, a politically active dissident, and in this respect he disagrees with Karl Kautsky's presentation in his Der Urspnmg des Christentums. Occasionally Machovec offers ideas of his own, e.g., a highly novel interpretation of The Lord's Prayer (pp. 90ff.) or the supposition that Jesus considered himself a prophet like Elijah and actually invoked his name from the cross (pp. 156-59). One would have expected that Machovec would discuss in full, from the point of view of dialectical materialism, the crucial question: what socio-economic conditions did exist in the Roman Empire about the beginning of the Christian era so as to generate the ideals of "salvation" and "redemption"? Why was Christianity such an unqualified suc- cess ? Only toward the end of the book does Machovec restate the solution'of Engels who explains the genesis of such ideals against the background of the institution of slavery. Although the author indicates the more cautious attitude of Marx, he himself does not offer any interpretation of his own. It has been stated by thoughtful students of intellectual history that Marxism is in effect a Christian heresy. Only from a soil fertilized by Christianity could Marxism have sprung into being. Machovec goes one step further: not only does he see a close resem- blance between the Jewish, Christian, and Marxist apocalyptic, but he also suggests that modern Marxists are more eschatologically motivated than many Christians, i.e., they have a better understanding of the present as they evince their longing expectation of the future. Milos Strupl Newberry College Zden � k Salzmann and Vladimír Scheufler. Komárov: A Czech Farming Village (Case Stu- dies in Cultural Anthropology). New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1974. Illus. x, 150 pp. Paper. This ethno-historical account of a Czech farming village of 193 people is a new addi- tion to the well-known Holt, Rinehart and Winston series, Case Studies in Cultural An- thropology, designed for use in introductory and intermediate courses. Its focus is on the development of peasant farming and its ultimate collectivization in the Blata or Bogland</p>
 <p>148 region of southern Bohemia. While including a historical account of the Czech peasantry since the arrival of the Slavs in the fifth century A.D., the authors concentrate on changes in rural life that have occurred since the abolition of serfdom in 1848. In particular, the contrast between the organization of the pre-World War II family farm, where the owner and his immediate kin were responsible for all operations (stock-raising, cultivation, main- tenance, etc.) and the current situation of collectivized agriculture, where each person is a "specialist" in one task (pig-raising, heavy-machine operator, etc.), is finely drawn. The effects of this radical change in economic organization and its impact on local values are illustrated further in chapters devoted to community organization, family, contacts with the outside, marriage, birth, death, church and state, arts and crafts, and folk music. Of note is the rapidity with which "mass" consumer culture is penetrating the community and supplanting folk traditions. For example, television and records are replacing the vil- lagers themselves as sources of entertainment and music. Current problems facing the collective are also reviewed, in particular the continued steady exodus of the young, to urban areas regardless of the incentives (private plots, rights of purchase, equivalent ur- ban wages) offered to keep them in the countryside. As the only ethnographic account to date in English on rural Czechoslovakia, and one of the few available for the East Central European region in general, the book should be of value to anyone interested in peasant life prior to and under collectivization. However. the work is only partially successful. Its most serious flaw is the lack of a theoretical framework from which to view the rise of new social classes and the growth of new cul- tural forms throughout the long period covered. Given the authors' emphasis on the avail- ability of historical records dating from the seventeenth century, it is also surprising that so little attention is paid to alterations in marriage choices, kinship, mobility, and village- regional political organization, particularly those patterns which existed just prior to World War II and those which exist today. Because of these omissions, it is unclear what parts of current Komirov social organization are traditional, which are due to changes begun prior to World War II, and which represent new adaptations to the socialist state. Further, the indigenous folk culture of the nineteenth to mid-twentieth century is not fully delineated. The authors, arguing that Komiroy was essentially isolated, present tantalizing glimpses of a reality that is far more complex than the one described-exten- sive urban-rural contacts provided through the export of excess children, the establish- ment of local and regional voluntary associations, even intermarriage with the local Jewish merchant population. The authors also offer no data to support their claim that Komirov is typical of the Blata, but do say it is unlike other local communities in having no recorded court cases prior to collectivization and in being more productively efficient afterwards. Is this coincidence or is Komarov an exceptionally cohesive community? Re- gardless of these criticisms, this book does present an overview of rural Czech life, and while designed primarily for students would be quite serviceable for those who want an introduction to the subject. Alice E. Manning Rutgers University Prazsk � Metro. Stavba � eskoslovensko-sov � tské spolupráce. Edited by Karel Matzner et al, Praha: Orbis, 1974. Illus. 204 pp. 65 K � s. Construction of the Prague subway system arouses mixed feelings among residents of that city. While vexed at tom-up streets, dust and rubble, and inconvenient detours, they are proud of a remarkable engineering feat and a speedy, inexpensive means of intracity travel. This large-format book commemorates the opening in May 1974 of the initial 6.7 kilometer link in the first stage of a planned Metro network of 34 kilometers scheduled</p>
 <p>149 for completion in 1985. A second stage to follow into the 1990s will enlarge the trackage to 92.7 kilometers. Highlights of the Czech text of the book are paralleled by English, French, German, and Russian summaries. Over 250 photographs and diagrams further il- luminate a major building project of socialist Czechoslovakia. Ever since electric trams were introduced there in the 1890s, Prague's boosters have visualized rapid-transit connections between the districts of an expanding city. By the 1960s the city faced overburdened tramlines, congested streets, increased auto usage, and rising air- and noise-pollution. Only then did city officials, with the all-important backing of central state authorities and the Communist Party, commit themselves to change Prague's modes of transportation. What began in 1966 as an effort to place under- ground the tramlines that passed through the heart of the city evolved into a far-reaching g plan to connect via subway the emerging satellite towns of Prague's periphery with its medieval core. Under the plan, expanded bus service in the outlying districts will feed Prague-bound passengers into the Metro; usage of surface electric trams will eventually decline by 50 percent. One notes that this future city-suburb relationship is embodied in a philosophy of urban planning: "The seats of central institutions, the centres of cultural life, [and the] schools will continue to be sited in the centre of the city where there is a strong concentration of shops and service stores. The centre will not cease to be the big- gest work centre in Prague...." This sensible approach, which preserves the traditional urban heritage in the midst of change, is exactly opposite the ruinous trends in the United States, whereby older cities are being destroyed internally through arson and neglect and externally by ruthless mercantile and cultural competition from surrrounding suburbs. The book is rich in technical details of the construction process but is excessively ef- fusive in praising Soviet assistance and lacks any assessment of the financial, administra- tive, and environmental costs and the impacts of the subway project upon Prague and Czechoslovak society as a whole. Aimed at a wide audience to mark a ceremonial occa- sion, Prazske Metro introduces the reader to a significant enterprise in one of the world's historic cities. Stanley B. Winters New Jersey Institute of Technology V � ra Hasalová and Jaroslav Vajdis. Folk Art of Caechoslovakia. New York: Arco Publish- ing Co., 1974. Illus. 293 pp. $20.00. V. Hasalova, the author of the major part of the text, observes that studies of folk art are still woefully spotty, but the bibliography at the back of the book is more extensive than one might suppose. What is definitely lacking, however, are studies attempting to correlate findings made by researchers in various countries who concern themselves al- most exclusively with their regional material. References which occasionally appear in this book to related folk traditions in the neighboring countries do not refer the reader to relevant foreign literature, despite the author's assertion that interrelationships cannot be overlooked. She warns against naively wishful claims of national originality. Studies of folk art often lack the sonomity of their richer endowed cousins in the field of art his- tory, and this might be their ultimate fate because of the peculiar qualities of the mater- ial. One major drawback of the discipline is an uncertainty and ambiguity in the criteria as to what really belongs to the realm of folk art. Hasalovi is critical of an earlier inter- pretation which reduces folk art to a concern with ornamentation. It must be conceded that this exclusive definition produces a consistent type of material to be studied but it is open to the criticism that it encompasses but a narrow aspect of folk creativity. Yet the opposite trend is as problematic, because too-widely open inclusiveness can be self- defeating by blurring the very demarcations of folk art.</p>
 <p>150 The danger is almost nonexistent in architecture, to which the third chapter written by J. Vajdišis devoted. The very difference of building materials (wood, clay and unbaked bricks, thatch) from those used in seigniorial, ecclesiastic, and burgher architecture is a safeguard against any confusion. The question of materials is, I believe, of importance for establishing criteria, as we can perceive while leafing through the 235 handsomely re- produced illustrations of which almost one-third are in color. This is obvious in some of the examples of oil paintings and stone sculputres. The latter, and the former to some degree, presuppose professional training and approach, and the results might attain almost a professional level. Some controversial examples (e.g., a portrait of Empress Maria Theresa or a stone Coronation group) may better be classified as modest provincial art. The dif- ference between an artist and an imitating craftsman is often an elusive one if we descend the ladder of quality. By the same token, the huge production of "naive" art and of Sun- day painters could be claimed by the more liberal interpreters as folk art. Another tricky frontier is that of the considerably more ancient artifacts that often show surprising simi- larities to the simple forms of folk carving. Hasalovi cautions against the inclusion of seemingly akin medieval objects such as carved capitals, relief tiles, and engraved har- nesses. But it may be ventured that among Romanesque stone carvings, a marginal pro- duction found in modest country churches indeed has all characteristics of folk art, more so than a group of overly ambitious beehives adorned with large saints' reliefs, reproduced in the book. The text, divided into seven chapters, is more than an enthusiastic description of the objects; it attempts classification, the most rewarding one being in the architectural por- tion where village planning is analyzed in a series of drawings. Croatian settlements of refugees from the Turks in the southern outskirts of Moravia and Slovakia or the arrival of the Wallachs in northeastern Moravia account for special features in those areas con- necting them with distinct traditions abroad. We are told that the development of folk culture reached its zenith at the end of the eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth centuries. It is stressed that the Czechs and Slo- vaks hold a leading place among the Slav nations in their great variety of folk costumes and their colorful decoration. Unfortunately, however, discussion and illustration of these forms is very limited. Remarkable is the essentially abstract character of the wood carving of the inhabitants of the Carpathian mountains; this production transcends the boundaries of the present-day countries. The variety of objects is briefly discussed and il- lustrated : carved and painted cupboards, corn bins, chairs, wine-presses, beehives, sign- boards, marksmen's targets, cemetery crosses, mangling bats, shepherd's mugs, butter and gingerbread molds, jewelry, embroidery, blueprints, woodcuts, painting on glass, Easter eggs, ceramics, baskets, carnival masks, religious statuettes, Nativity scenes, and toys. The last chapter, "The Specific Character of Czech and Slovak Folk Art in a Euro- pean Context," alludes to some fundamental questions which, of course, would need a far more extensive apparatus to produce a significant scholarly contribution. Since this is the first comprehensive presentation of folk art in Czechoslovakia to English-speaking readers (an offering delightful to the eye as well as instructive), a short chapter apprais- ing the state bf preservation, relative to the situation in other European countries, of works still in situ, in use, and in the museums (e.g., the Ethnographic and Niprstek mu- seums in Prague, and those in Bratislava and Martin) and "Skansen" presentations (Roz- nov) would be of interest. Mojmír S. Frinta State University of New York at Albany</p>
 <p>151 Arne Novák. Czech Literature. Translated by Peter Kussi. Edited with a Supplement by William E. Harkins. "The Joint Committee on Eastern Europe, Publication Series, No. 4." Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications, 1976. 375 pp. $8.00. The English translation of Arne Novik's book Dgjiny ceského pisemnictvr, first published in a German edition in 1932, raises the fundamental question of who is the best mediator of a foreign literature-a presumably unbiased outsider, or a native son steeped in his national heritage. Novik, a scholar-critic of European format, possessed learning and sensibility in rich measure, but, following the Czech critical tradition of his time, adopted a methodology and a style-a blend of history of ideas and psycho- logism garnished with impressionistic rhetoric-that today are hopelessly dated. Conceived as an essay, Czech Literature begins with an excellent chapter on "The Spirit of Czech Literature," where Novik outlines the main tendencies, forms, influ- ences, and social bases of his country's literary production. However, the essay soon deteriorates into a survey, and in the welter of names and works cited, and briefly char- acterized, the reader cannot see the forest for the trees. Greater selectivity, highlighting of major figures, and topical subdivisions of the longish chapters-one is ninety-four pages!-would have been helpful. Stylistically the book poses a real problem. Novik's repeated mention of the "prac- tical, sober and critical mentality so characteristic of the Czechs" (p. 3) is refuted both directly, as when he speaks of the style of modem Czech criticism as being infused with "symbolic and metaphoric elements, pathos and emotionality" (p. 256), and indirectly, by the qualities of his own writing. With only slight exaggeration, Novik's language could be described as "overloaded with Baroque ornament, prolix and bombastic" (p. 78), his own characterization of Czech eighteenth-century Latin. The book is vastly overwritten; its turgid, involuted prose is replete with words like "monumental," "fi- ery," "wild(ly)," and "full-blooded." These and other repeated epithets, as well as modish painterly analogies-al fresco, pen-and-ink artist, palette-reveal the critic's temperamental impressionism. Occasionally this tendency verges on literary sexism, as when words like "virile," "manly," and their antonyms are applied to writers and their works: ''virile" equals objective, oratorical, rational; "feminine" equals subjective, lyrical, sentimental. While Novik's metaphorical style does sometimes illuminate the uniqueness of a literary object or figure, generally it hampers communication. Other discrepancies-between stated intention and execution, between literary salesmanship and critical evaluation-are nearly as disturbing. While purportedly con- cerned with the intrinsic qualities of literature, Novik classifies and appraises literary periods, authors, and works largely in terms of moral, socio-political, quasi-philosophical, and psychological attributes. Secondly, he fails to maintain a consistent standard of critical judgment. In his patriotic fervor he will praise the "great" ahcievement of some Czech writer, subsequently to fall back upon admissions of imitativeness. Must the expounder of a "minor" literature always be burdened with a sense of inferiority? One wonders what reader the sponsors had in mind in selecting this book for trans- lation. The volume lacks notes (except for some very useful ones by its editor, Professor William Harkins), references, and a bibliography, omissions suggesting that it is not intended for scholars. On the other hand, students and other potential readers will be put off by the unimaginative production of the book (both the Czech and the German editions are richly illustrated), by weaknesses in its internal organization, and by Novak's language-badly served by an exceptionally clumsy, sometimes faulty, and frequently unidiomatic translation. Maybe an American scholar will someday provide us with a contemporary interpretation of Czech literature that makes it more accessible to the American public. Sverre Lyngstad New Jersey Institute of Technology</p>
 <p>152 Josef Hrabák, Dusan Je � ábek, and Zde � ka Tichá. Pr � vodce po d � jinách � eské literatury. "Edice Pyramida-Encyclopedie." Praha: Orbis, 1976. Illus. 512 pp. K � s. 50, Appearing in a publication series devoted to the popularization of arts and science, this literary vade mecum-graphically and typographically an impressive volume-is in- tended as a basic source of information on Czech literature for the general public. It pro- vides a chronological account of literary developments in the Czech lands from the ear- liest period, which produced literature in Old Church Slavic and Latin, to the mid-twen- tieth century. The presentation is accompanied by brief illustrative passages from a num- ber of the literary works examined, and a condensed author and title index is attached. Published as a joint undertaking of three scholars, the book bears a clear imprint of the senior member of the team, Professor Hrabik, who supervised the project and wrote nearly one-half of the text. Surprisingly, the chapters on Old Czech literature, a period of his specialization, were not written by him. Credit for them goes to Zdenka Ticha, who also surveyed the subsequent periods, through the 1770s. Her contribution stands out as the most interesting part of the book. Rather than presenting an exhaustive examination of the subject, the authors selected writers and literary movements of (what they consider) key significance. Although the criteria determining the inclusion of material in the survey are subordinated to the rigid principle of the political and social significance of literary phenomena, the resulting selec- tion in chapters 1-10 is, by and large, acceptable. The treatment of modem Czech litera- ture (the 1890s through the year 1948, pp. 325-500) is quite another matter. The glaring omissions and the curt dismissal of well-established authors, as well as the saturation of these last chapters with clichis, debase the value of the entire volume. As a reference tool the book suffers from the lack of a bibliography. Milan Frys � ak New York University The Czechs in America 1633-1977: A Chronology & Fact Book. Compiled and edited by Vera Laska. "Ethnic Chronology Series Number 28." Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.: Oceana Publications, 1978. viii, 152 pp. $6.50. The Ethnic Chronology Series produced by Oceana Publications has been a product of the resurgence of interest in the history of American ethnic groups. All volumes in the series follow a somewhat similar format consisting of a chronology of the group's experience in America, reproduction of selected documents, and a bibliography. Cer- tain aspects of Vera Laska's contribution on The Czechs in America make it somewhat superior to other volumes in the series. The chronology on Czech life, for instance, is particularly extensive. Like the series as a whole, however, the volume generally lacks both a clear framework for explaining the mass of data and a sense of balance in distin- guishing between the important and the trivial. Thus, both the chronology and the doc- uments section devote equal amounts of space to subjects as diverse as the "First Czech Woman Doctor" and "The Americanization Process." An analysis of Czech-American attitudes during the racial turmoil in Chicago and Cicero, Illinois, areas where Czechs were heavily involved, is neglected completely. Laska does provide glimpses of some important Czech characteristics. She notes, for instance, that Czech immigrants were particularly high in literacy rates and skills when arriving in America. These characteristics have important implications for immi- grant mobility in America. Although Laska fads to make the connection, evidence does exist that Czechs, and perhaps Slovenes, were the most upwardly mobile of all Slavic groups in America. Their</p>
 <p>153 pursuit of business and secular education was also exceptional for Slavs and could be attributed in part to their tradition of free thinking and their dissatisfaction with the Catholic Church. Laska notes these ideological and religious tendencies but fails to link them to the larger problem of immigrant assimilation and mobility. To an extent, of course, it would be unfair to expect a synthesis from the data since the book's purpose was to provide basic reference facts. Nevertheless the simple presen- tation of dates, facts, and documents obscures the complexities of adjustment for immigrants and their families and fails to place the Czechs in any comparative perspec- tive regarding other ethnic groups. A lengthy introduction could have met this need and made both this volume and the entire series more useful. Historians waiting for a compe- tent account of the backgrounds and settlement of Czech immigrants to America must still wait. John Bodnar Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission C. M. Nowak. Czechoslovak-Polish Relations, 1918-1939: A Selected and Annotated Bibliography (Bibliographies Series 55). Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1976. xii, 219 pp. $10.00. The stated aim of this bibliography, based on Nowak's 1971 Boston University PhD. dissertation, is to "contribute to the growth of research and understanding of Czecho- slovak-Polish relations" between the world wars. It contains 869 citations to biblio- graphies and published primary and secondary sources for the period; all items are an- notated, many in great detail. Literature published up to 1972 is included. In addition to more general works on the two countries and works specifically on their relations between 1918 and 1939, the bibliography includes items on particular areas of conflict between the two nations, such as Teschen, Spis, Orava, Eastern Galicia, and Ruthenia. Because of the variety of material included in the scope of the bibliography (pub- lished documents and sources, diaries and memoirs, monographs, periodical and news- paper articles, as well as general research and bibliographic aids), the work will be ex- tremely useful not only for further research in Czechoslovak-Polish relations but also as a source of information in more general areas such as Czechoslovak and Polish history and politics, and the question of national minorities in Eastern Europe. The sections on published documents (145 entries) and diaries and memoirs (57 entries) are valuable in this regard, in that they bring together works that are essential to any study of Eastern Europe between the wars but which are often difficult to retrieve through general bibliographies and library catalogs. , The bibliography is divided into six major classes by broad subject or type of mater- ial, and sub-arranged by more specific subjects. See-also references and an alphabetical author-index facilitate using the bibliography. Complete and accurate data are given for all items, with only a handful of typographic errors ntoiced. English translations are furnished for book and periodical article titles where necessary. In short, this biblio- graphy is an indispensable resource for libraries with East European collections and for researchers in the area of East European history and politics. Harold M. Leich University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign</p>
 <p>154 Zden � k Hejzlar and Vladimir V. Kusin. Czechoslovakia 1968-1969: Chronology, Bibliog- raphy, Annotation. New York & London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1975. 313 pp. $28.00. This work provides a useful guide to the major sources and commentaries on the Czechoslovak revolution of 1968-69. A chronology of events, from January, 1968 to December, 1969, comprises the first half of the book. The latter half lists documents on the "Prague Spring" available in English, most of Alexander Dubcek's speeches, articles, and interviews, and the principal newspapers and periodicals published in Czechoslovakia during the two-year period. Also included is a general bibliography of books on-Czecho- slovakia written between 1968 and 1974, and a select bibliography of Czech and Slovak periodical literature from 1968 to 1970. Overall the editors have done a creditable job, but their chronology is not compre- hensive. It includes only those events which, based on current research and availability of sources, appear most accurately to reflect the key issues of the Czechoslovak reform movement. Further research may alter our view of which events were most significant. The best feature of the book is its inclusion of sources in all major European lan- guages. Persons proficient in the use of Czech and Slovak will find the periodical-litera- ture section invaluable for an investigation of the more specialized problems and aspects of the revolution. Others can satisfy a desire for a general understanding of Czechoslo- vakia in 1968 by relying on commentaries and translations in "western" languages. Con- sidering the book's many positive features, it is unfortunate that the editors did not cor- rect the many spelling errors that mar their work, especially the chronology. And their six-page introduction could have been cut in half with the omission of unnecessary jar- gon and repetitious views. ' Thomas G. Pesek Washington State University Slovensko v retrospektíve dejín. Zborník materiálov z I. vedecko-náu � n � ho seminára o Slovensko. Zürich, 31. X. - 2. XI. 1975. Na vydanie pripravil Jozef M. Rydlo. Lausanne: Liber, 1976: 272 pp. Jednota Annual Furdek 1977. Vol. XVI. Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa. Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1977. 303 pp. The two volumes under review, products of Slovak emigration in the West, are dissimilar in nature. Slovensko v retrospektive dejin is a didactic book. It aims at supply- ing the wider public with information about the history and culture of Slovakia and at providing the younger Slovak exile generation with details on their nation's past (p. 11). The passing years have seen several books of this kind by the Slovak emigration, yet this one is the first, in my opinion, to reach acceptable standards of historical scholar- ship. The authors are no hotchpotch of journalists and politicians who believe that nationalistic zeal qualifies them to write history. Rather, seven professionals have de- voted attention to various stages in Slovakia's annals, from eady antiquity to our day. Although nationalism-often of the defunct Hlinka's Slovak People's Party brand-has inspired the authors, most of the contributions are informative and competent. The impact of nationalistic (and Catholic) views can be felt mainly in interpretations; oc- casionally also in the choice of details and sources. The studies of Frantisek Vnuk (of the era 1867-1939) and of Milan Stanislav Durica (on 1939-45) in particular cannot con- sistently be regarded as bona fide scholarship. Outstanding, on the other hand, is the article by Jozef Vavrovid (on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries), which would honor any scientific work. He is closely followed by Michal Lacko (Antiquity) and Jozef</p>
 <p>155 M. Rydlo (Slovaks in emigration), and somewhat less by Jozef Spetko (Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Period). Stefan Glejdura (the period 1945-75) is a mere pam- phleteer. Altogether this is a good volume and a faithful presentation of a modern na- tionalistic interpretation of Slovakia's history. The Jednota Annual Furdek 1977 is a popular compendium of stories and articles suitable for long winter evenings, when the "tube" is off but the kitchen light still glows. The annuals, nonetheless, furnish a window through which one can view the life of Slovak immigrants to the United States and of their descendants. Yeshayahu Jelinek Denison University D � jiny Bardejova. Edited by L'udovít Holotik et al. "Edícia Urbs." Kosice: Východoslo- venské Vydavatel'stvo, N. P., pre Šarisské Múzeum v Bardejove, 1975. Illus. 521 pp. Bardejov (Bartfeld, Bartfa), situated near the Polish border in northeastern Slovakia, is known today primarily as one of the best preserved medieval towns in Slovakia. As this comprehensive political, economic, and cultural history of Bardejov makes clear, the town's importance and glory lie in its past rather than in the present. Enjoying the status of a free royal town since 1376, Bardejov was throughout the Middle Ages a vital center of manufacture and trade in the Kingdom of Hungary. The German artisans who settled Bardejov founded there an extremely successful linen-producing industry which lasted into the nineteenth century; and the favorable geographical location of Bardejov on a major East European trade route enabled it to become a busy crossroad connecting Hun- . gary with Poland and Russia. The material prosperity of Bardejov was responsible for the exceptional Gothic and Renaissance architectural monuments which attract contem- porary art lovers to this somewhat remote Slovak town. Most notable is the Gothic St. Egidius Church, which was constructed between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries; it contains eleven intact Gothic wing altars, the largest number of such treasures in any Central European Gothic church. Bardejov is also credited with other distinctions in the cultural history of Hungary and Slovakia. The exquisite bay window of the Town Hall was the first example of the Renaissance style in Slovakia. The town Latin school served as one of the leading pedagogical institutes in Hungary during the sixteenth and seven- teenth centuries. And in 1577 the first printing press on present-day Slovak soil was es- tablished in the town. As Bardejov entered the modern era its fortunes waned. Shifting trade routes, unfa- vorable political conditions, major natural disasters, and the lack of essential prerequisites for capitalist growth forced Bardejov to relinquish its eminent position in the northeast- ern part of Hungarian Slovakia. After the middle of the nineteenth century it became a backward town isolated from the economic arteries of Hungary. One factor which pre- vented a total eclipse was the development of nearby mineral springs into a first-rate spa (Bardejovsk6 kupele). In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Bardejov's Slo- vak inhabitants were subjected to an aggressive Magyarization campaign. The largely na- tionally unconscious Slovaks were either pressured to become Magyars or encouraged to assert an "eastern Slovak ethnic identity" and use the eastern Slovak dialect of Sariš county as their literary language in order to counteract the Slovak national movement. The defeat of the Central Powers in World War I, which had the result of placing Barde- jov in the hands of the newly formed Czechoslovak government, rescued the Slovaks from both Magyarization and eastern Slovak particularism and paved the way for Barde- jov to develop as a Slovak town. Industrialization finally came to Bardejov in the post- 1948 period. Although Bardejov has made many significant strides in the last few de- cades, it has not been able to regain its former economic and cultural greatness.</p>
 <p>156 Written by a collective of fourteen authors in ten chronological chapters, this volume suffers from an inevitable unevenness in style and quality of scholarship. The chapters on the earlier (and more significant) history of Bardejov are superior to those covering the twentieth century, which tend to overemphasize the activities and accomplishments of the Slovak working-calss and Communist movements and bog the reader down in a pleth- ora of statistical data. Unlike most typical local histories which treat their subjects in a vacuum, this work does manage at times to relate the town's evolution to general trends in its part of the world. The book contains humerous illustrations, charts, graphs, and photographs (regrettably not well reproduced), an excellent bibliography, and summaries in Russian and German, but it lacks an index. This convenient one-volume storehouse of information on Bardejovis a welcome addition to the relatively neglected history of East- ern Slovakia. Thomas D. Marzik Saint Joseph's College, Philadelphia Peter Brock. The Slovak National Awakening: An Essay in the Intellectual History of East Central Europe. Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1976. x, 104 pp. $12.50. Within fifty-four pages Professor Peter Brock successfully traces the development of the Slovak literary language as the principal catalyst in the Slovak national awakening. It is heartening to read in English an account of the Slovak nation by a non-Slovak which does not parrot the centralist ideology of pre-World War II historiography but instead uses a wide range of sources that reflect a spectrum of views, including recent scholarship by academicians from the Slovak Federated Socialist Repbblic . The author, in his pre- face, sets his limits, but this reviewer would have wished for the inclusion of more social, economic, cultural, and political factors in the study. The essay is divided into three well-organized chapters. They are an impressive exer- cise, but this reviewer feels there are still some questions to be raised. The seminary in Bratislava castle, for instance, was of special importance because, as Jan Tibensk? has noted (Dejiny Slovenska Slovom I Obrazom, Vol. I, p. 218 [ 1973 J), it was perhaps the first occasion that Slovak youth had met in one institution. Further, they had consider- able difficulty in understanding one another because. of their particular dialects. The need for a common denominator was clear, and as Brock notes, the general seminary be- came the "matrix of bernolacina." Among the students there was Anton Bernolik, but Brock's descripfion of Bemoiik's participation in the Slovak Literary Society as a patron is insufficient. As Jozef Butvin has written in his Slovenske Národnozjednocovacie hnutie (1780-1848J (1965), Bernolák was the chief initiator and organizer of that society. Brock might also have indicated that the main center of the Slovak Literary Society in Tmava followed the model of the Bohemian Kingdom's Learned Society and used the example of the Kramerius Czech Expedition. The space and emphasis that Brock allots to Bemo- lik's loyalty to Hungary is excessive; Bernolák's loyalty, in this reviewer's opinion, did not compromise his principles at the expense of fostering a Slovak cultural identity. It would also seem appropriate that a footnote would have sufficed to explain the controversy raised by Professor Daniel Rapant, who attempted to establish that remarks attributed to Berno1ák in the preface of his six-volume Slovak dictionary indicated his leanings toward magyarization. Still Brock skillfully analyzes the issue and, I believe, re- futes Rapant's arguments. Brock well describes Jan KoUir's frustrating efforts to con- vince Czech leaders to compromise with the Slovaks to form one language, an issue that became quite sensitive. He cites other instances of an attitude that discredited Czechoslo- vakism in Slovak eyes and was a factor in the Slovaks' decision to have their own literary language.</p>
 <p>157 A question which the reader may raise and which has not been completely resolved is I . why the Slovak Protestant community furnished intellectuals out of proportion to their modest numbers in a predominantly Roman Catholic Slovakia. Brock alludes to some - contributing reasons. Jozef Butvin in the above-cited work suggests that children of Pro- testant clergy gained intellectual advantages within a home environment which moti- vated them toward higher education. Brock's study is fully documented with detailed explanatory notes and is fortified by an excellent bibliography. For serious students of East Central Europe and for those who wish to become familiar with the Slovaks, this study will prove well worth their while. Edward Andrew Tuleya Millersville State College Yeshayahu Jelinek. The Parish Repbulic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939-1945. "East European Monographs no. XIV." Boulder, Co.: East European Quarterly, 1976. 206 pp. $11.50. Distributed by Columbia University Press. Interest in the history of Slovakia has risen steadily in the last three decades. Prior to 1968, the Historical Institute of the Slovak branch of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sci- ence encouraged the publication of monographs in practically all fields of Slovakia's past, though their main interest seemed to rest in the display of Slovak braveness in the National Uprising of 1944 and the achievements of the socialist state. Books and memoirs by emigrants as well as scholarly research in the field in Europe and the United States have contributed considerably to our knowledge of the "heartland of Europe" that no- body knew about. The short-lived Slovak Republic has received special attention. Its foundation in Hit- ler's precess of breaking up Czechoslovakia in 1938/39 was treated at great length, even in Russian and Polish monographs. L. Lipták, the eminent Slovak Marxist historian, until his release in 1969, has offered valuable insights into the main aspects of the authoritar- ian government of Father Tiso. A recent East German study by Hans Dress, Slowakei und faschistische Neuordnung Europas, 1939-1941 (Berlin, 1971) (actually 1973) at- tempted a virulent Marxist reinterpretation of the decisive first years. A West German Ph.D. dissertation on the same topic by Hans Kaiser, accepted at the Ruhruniversitat Bochum, awaits publication. Jelinek's small monograph, jsut 200 pages, one-third of which is devoted to notes and an extensive bibliography, originally part of his lengthy Ph.D. thesis accepted by the Indiana University sets out to cover not only the founda- tion of Hitler's first European satellite, but also to present all aspects of Slovak political, ideological, intellectual, social, economical, and military achievements until the collapse in April, 1945. Even though he offers a soundly researched, well written and thoughtful interpretation, Jelinek falls short of his too-ambitious aims. More than thirty pages of in- troductory material offer little that is new or original. The author is aware of the four major stages of political developments during the six years of domination of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party (HSL'S), yet he is satisfied to present the downfall of the system after 1942 (chapters 7 and 9) in just seventeen pages. Consequently the major focus once more rests on the presentation of the first years of the L'udak reign-and here we find a wealth of laboriously researched information and balanced judgments. For the first time the internal strife within the new ruling class, composed of the con- servative clerical group around Father and President Tiso, the young, chauvinistically na- tionalist young intellectuals around the periodical Ndstup, and the Hlinka Guards, ideo- logically influenced by German National Socialism, is described at length with critical distance and convincing observations. The two chapters on the party factions (pp. 51-68)</p>
 <p>158 and on the ideology of "People's Slovakia" (pp. 80-90) contribute most to our knowledge and explain why the constant. struggle for supremacy in the state and in the party created a situation favorable to nearly unchallenged German influence in all fields. But here, too, important matters are not-or only superficially-touched upon: the "solution" of the Jewish question with its many implications, the build-up of a strong opposition within the HSL'S and in the country, or the basic shortcomings of L'udak "ideology" find no convincing explanation. The widely used, Marxist-coined term of "clerical fascism" is not defined. The author, as is apparent in his conclusions, is quite aware of these prob- lems, yet his introduction of "Christian solidarism," the strong reliance on modern Catholic social theory or on the concept of a corporate state as unifying forces for heter- ogenous elements, formerly united only by their opposition to the previous regime and never organized in an all-encompassing party structure, is not sufficiently convincing. This book is certainly not the ultimate history of the Slovak Republic. Yet Jelinek's study will contribute to the understanding of the major forces in Slovakia's politics from 1939 to 1945. It is a knowledgeable and fair account mainly of the measures of the moderate forces aligned with Father Tiso to achieve Slovak unity and to guide the nation through the difficult war years-with extreme and aggressive nationalism, a single-party system, and the enforcement of an artificial structure, which intended to discriminate against and to suppress whole social strata. The concept of the Parish Republic, the unique combination of a parochial state and an authoritarian structure, is presented in exhaustive objectivity, yet the day-to-day political reality in an extreme rightist dictator- ship needs further description. Jörg K. Hoensch Universität des Saartandes, Saarbrücken Martin Kvetko and Miroslav Ján Li � ko, editors. Zborník úvah a osobých spomienok o Slovenskom národnom povstaní. Toronto: Stala Konferencia Slovenských Demokra- tických Exulantov, 1976. 434 pp. $10.80. Paper. [Available from Dr. Martin Kvetko, Czechoslovak Store, Inc., 1363 First Avenue, New York, N.Y., 10021.] An account of the Slovak National Rising of 1944 that attempts to steer a middle course between the two extremes-the official Communist version and that of the sup- porters of the former Hlinka regime-is both welcome and overdue. For this reason alone the appearance of the Zborni7c slovenskgho národného povstania ought to be hailed by all interested in recent Czechoslovak history. In addition, the credentials of the authors enable them to speak with authority about the event in which many of them partici- pated. This is not to say that scholarship based almost entirely on memoirs is without pitfalls. To be sure, closeness to the actual event, the ability to get the true feel for a giv- en situation and for the overall milieu, has its undisputed advantages. But, by this same token, it sometimes substitutes justification for analysis. With the exception perhaps of Miroslav Jin Licko, none of the almost one dozen contributors to the Zbomik is a his- torian by profession. Many of them are prominent former Slovak politicians (Lettrich, Frastacky, Kvetko, Ferjencik), others are military men, and so on. As a result of this, and as is the case in most collections of articles, there is a certain range of quality. Thus, Licko's contributions are scholarship of the highest order, espec- cially his peice on Allied help to the Slovak rising (pp. 209-55). The author gives gives specific well-documented reasons for British and U.S. lack of interest in the cause of the Slovak insurgents, as well as for the Soviet decision not to make contact with the East Slovak Army Corps, which was to open the Carpathian passes to the advancing Red Army. In singling out Licko, the reviewer does not intend to belittle the other contributions,</p>
 <p>159 such as Lettrich's article on the place of the Slovak rising in the history of the Czecho- slovak resistance, the reminiscences of Martin Kvetko, or the account of the courier ac- tivities of Rudolf Frastacky. Similarly, the articles dealing with specific aspects of the ris- ing such as the activities of certain military formations or the participation in the rising of the Slovak Jews, shed interesting light on particular events. There are drawbacks to all this richness of detail, especially in the longer articles. On occasion, it tends to obscure the broader picture and affects an author's ability to distin- guish between the lasting and the ephemeral. Even among the democratic Slovaks in exile, not everyone is likely to agree with everything that has been said. So, for example, Dr. Jin Papinek, one-time Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh and, until 1948, Czechoslovak delegate to the United Nations, has already taken issue (l'rom£ny, [October 1976 ] 13 , No. 4) with some of the statements made by Dr. Michal Mudry (pp. 379-97) in the latter's appraisal of the American contri- bution to the Slovak National Rising. It ought not to come as a great surprise if similar repliques should follow. It is pretty much in the nature of this type of work to be polemi- cal. But even with these reservations, we have here a most useful book. Professionals and laymen alike will find it interesting reading. Walter Ullmann Syracuse University J. M. Kirschbaum. Slovak Language and Literature: Essays ("Readings in Slavic Litera- tures 12," edited by J. B. Rudnyckyj). Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 1975. 336 pp. Slovakia, its culture and language, is terra incognita for many Americans who consi- der "Czechoslovakian" one language and, as a result, Slovak literature is unduly neglected in Slavic studies in the West. Thus any good information on the subject deserves atten- tion. Mr. Kirschbaum's book is neither a history of Slovak literature nor a description of the Slovak language, which is seen exclusively in its cultural context. The book consists of articles or lectures given at symposia and focuses on the following topics: the Slovak language and ' its place among Slavic cognates; views on Slovak literary history; the Cy- rillo-Methodian literature; the period between the fall of Great Moravia and Berno1ák's codification of Slovak (1787); Bernolák's movement; the life and work of Kollár and Safa1iK (Safirik); St6r's successful codification of Slovak; contemporary Slovak litera- ture at home and in exile; Slovak literary criticism abroad. The author discusses three different views of Slovakia: the Slovak nationalist, the "Czechoslovak," and the Marxist. He himself is such an uncritical representative of Slo- vak nationalism that his image of the Slovak past lacks a sense of reality. His claim that the Slovaks are the rightful owners of the Cyrillo-Methodian heritage is problematic to say the least. He does not hesitate to call Great Moravia the first Slovak empire, and Prince xastisiav a Slovak ruier. Ii is Cllue Uhal Slovakia was part of Great Moravia, the in- habitants of which, however, were the common ancestors of the Czechs, Slovaks, and Slovenes, by no means the ancestors of the Slovaks alone. Furthermore, the Cyrillo- Methodian heritage has been kept alive first by the South Slavs, then by the East Slavs. According to the author, Slovak is immediately descendent from Common Slavic ("Old Slavonic") without the. intermediate step of a Czechoslovak community. He criticizes Roman Jakobson and Dmytro Cyzevs'kyj, whose concept of a Czechoslovak unity is based upon linguistic facts which he ignores. There is no evidence in Old Church Slavic of pure Slovacisms. If there was an independent Slovak language immediately after the Common Slavic period, how could this have been concealed throughout the fourteen</p>
 <p>160 centuries between circa 400 A.D. and 1787? Does the author really believe that Czech pressure alone could prevent the Slovaks from establishing their own national culture for such a period of time? External pressure never prevents a group from becoming a nation; on the contrary, it accelerates the process of solidarization once a' national consciousness has come into being. The birth of the Slovak nation flanlly took place under Hungarian pressure when there was, for the first time, common agreement among all Slovaks that they comprised a nation. The degree of proximity of Slovak to related languages is hardly an agreement in the question of independence. Within German or English there are greater dialectal differ- ences than between Slovak and Czech. It is, however, instructive that neither the Swiss Germans nor the Scots, for example, have to this day decided to establish a literary lan- guage replacirig standard German or English in the public media, as the Slovaks have done. Until the fourteenth century, when Czech underwent substantial phonetic changes, there was only a slight difference between Czech and Slovak, and even today in Czecho- slovakia a television broadcast in Slovak needs no translation in the Czech territories and vice-versa. Mr. Kirschbaum's national fervor made him miss a chance to present objective infor- mation about his homeland. Nonetheless, he offers valuable material, especially on Slo- vak literature and literary criticism in exile, since he knows most of the writers mentioned. The Slavist would, however, have preferred more substantial data on the works them- selves, including stylistic and formal analysis. ' The reader is often bewidered by an unusally large number of errors and misprints. A list of errata in the appendix comprises only a fraction of them. Foreign names and quo- tations are correct only in the best of circumstances. Transcriptions from Cyrillic are a linguist's nightmare. On p. 196, in two lines, there are three different versions of Russian name endings: Sreznevsky, Raevski, and Danilevskij. More careful proofreading would have made the book more valuable. It is, after all, a document of Slovak nationalism and a source of information on contemporary Slovak literature aborad. Walter Schamschula University of California, Berkeley Paul Robert Magocsi, The Shaping of a National Identity: Subcarpathian Rus', 1848- 1948. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978. xiii, 640 pp. $25.00. The author should be commended for this superior work dealing with the people of SUQcarpathian Ruthenia. With the possible exception of Macedonia, no other European region has the complexity, the diversity both ethnically and religiously, or the inroads of nations within the area as does this area. Magocsi remains objective in dealing with the conflicting data presented by the different groups involved in this study. The problem is further compounded by the inability of the people to agree among themselves as to their ethnic origins. This inability to agree on whether they are of Rusin, Russian, or Ukrain- ian background makes it difficult, if not impossible, to get a balanced interpretation of the history of this region. Instead there have developed national interpretations such as the Rusin, the Hungarian, the Russian, and the Ukrainian. The author traces and ex- pounds on each of these versions in his investigation. Magocsi divides the work into three parts: the background, the cultural setting, and the political environment. He includes several appendices, reference notes, maps, an ex- tensive bibliography, and a workable index. He is at his best in dealing with the politi- cal ramifications brought about by the Peace of Paris (Treaty of St. Germaine?n-Laye), World War II, and the eventual incorporation of the region into the Ukrainian republic</p>
 <p>161 of tha Soviet Union. This inability by the Rusins to agree on their common ethnic back- ground permeates all aspects of the book. The author shows this in dealing with the cultural make-up, economic development, national awareness, and religious preferences of the Rusin people. Outside influences such as the centuries-old domination by the Hungarians and their policy of Magyarization, the Czech experience following incor- poration into the newly established state of Czechoslovakia, the one-day existence as the newly created state of Carpatho-Ukraine, the reincorporation by Hungary as a result of the Vienna Award, and the inclusion of the region into the Soviet Union are well covered. The Rusins' cultural backwardness and religious position have contributed to their inability at either developing a national awareness or manifesting a distinct literary awakening, thereby making them easy prey for their stronger neighbors. There are no serious shortcomings in Magocsi's presentation of this segment of Sub- carpathian Rus history. Still, more material on the early history of the people, their interaction with the Magyar rulers, and a more thorough development of the part played by the Uniate Church from the Union of Uzhorod in 1646 to the present day and of the part played by Americans of Carpatho-Rusin ancestry in the period prior to Soviet incorporation would have been helpful. Furthermore, the author's premise found in the concluding statement that "only the Ukrainian orientation proved to be enduring" is open to speculation. Regardless of these minor reservations, Professor Magocsi has contributed immeasurably to the understanding of Rusin history. Walter C. Waneski Kutztown State College</p>
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