Three Years Later: Culture in Psychology—Between Social Positioning and Producing New Knowledge
Identifieur interne : 000B94 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000B93; suivant : 000B95Three Years Later: Culture in Psychology—Between Social Positioning and Producing New Knowledge
Auteurs : Jaan ValsinerSource :
- Culture & Psychology [ 1354-067X ] ; 2004-03.
English descriptors
- Teeft :
- Adjacent level, Branco valsiner, Cambridge university press, Catalytic conditions, Causal system, Change society, Cherry blossoms, Chicago press, Collectivism, Colonial encounter, Contemporary psychology, Cultural psychology, Cultural tools, Culture psychology, Developmental psychology, Dialogical, Dialogical self, Different forms, Empirical work, Epistemic market, Epistemic markets, Further development, Group formation, Harper brothers, Human development, Human genome project, Immigrant identity, Individual subject, Intellectual tools, Knowledge base, Knowledge construction, Moghaddam, Opposite processes, Practice theories, Psychological complexity, Psychological data, Psychological functions, Psychological phenomena, Psychological processes, Psychological reality, Psychology, Research practices, Researcher, Second function, Social ideology, Social organization, Social practice, Social practices, Social psychology, Social sciences, Social scientists, Standard methods, Such practices, Symbolic resources, Systemic, Systemic nature, Systemic unit, Terrorism, Theoretical constructions, Theoretical discourse, Valsiner, Valsiner editorial, Various acts.
Abstract
Since the previous editorial analysis (Valsiner, 2001) the journal has continued as an intellectually exciting forum for international and creative scholarship. For further development of the field, it needs to live up to its claim for interdisciplinary synthesis of ideas and support for new research practices that are built on the axioms of the systemic and dynamic units of analysis. Cultural psychology shares the fate of all social sciences to be under the constraints of the social demand system that expects simplified practically usable suggestions from it. In contrast, cultural psychology is a basic science where general knowledge about culture within psychological processes is created. It is through generalized abstract knowledge that psychology at large can become applicable for specific ends within a society
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/1354067X04040925
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ISTEX:716E21A53BC3A5F64E9D2240A1BAC64A90A6C63CLe document en format XML
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For further development of the field, it needs to live up to its claim for interdisciplinary synthesis of ideas and support for new research practices that are built on the axioms of the systemic and dynamic units of analysis. Cultural psychology shares the fate of all social sciences to be under the constraints of the social demand system that expects simplified practically usable suggestions from it. In contrast, cultural psychology is a basic science where general knowledge about culture within psychological processes is created. It is through generalized abstract knowledge that psychology at large can become applicable for specific ends within a society</p></abstract><kwd-group><kwd>consumption</kwd><kwd>innovation</kwd><kwd>production</kwd><kwd>theory</kwd></kwd-group><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Editorial</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value> Abstract Since the previous editorial analysis (Valsiner, 2001) the journal has continued as an intellectually exciting forum for international and creative scholarship. For further development of the field, it needs to live up to its claim for interdisciplinary synthesis of ideas and support for new research practices that are built on the axioms of the systemic and dynamic units of analysis. Cultural psychology shares the fate of all social sciences to be under the constraints of the social demand system that expects simplified practically usable suggestions from it. In contrast, cultural psychology is a basic science where general knowledge about culture within psychological processes is created. It is through generalized abstract knowledge that psychology at large can become applicable for specific ends within a society Key Words consumption, innovation, production, theory Jaan Valsiner Clark University, USA Three Years Later: Culture in Psychology--Between Social Positioning and Producing New Knowledge Twenty-five years ago, the university lecturer who employed the term [culture] found it necessary to devote an hour's discussion, or even more, to distinguish 'culture' in the scientific sense from the conception of 'culture' as something which marks the behavior of a specialized segment of our society. Today a word of caution suffices, and one may safely pass on to developing the theme of the nature and function of the phenomenon as a subject for scientific analysis. For readers of Culture & Psychology, as well as for all social scientists of today, this optimistic statement looks very modern. It could easily be dated to belong to the year 2004. Yet it does not--its actual publication date is 1950 (Herskovits, 1950, p. 145). Of course it was not new even at that time--roots of our efforts to make the notion of culture heuris- tically useful for science go back much further (see Diriwächter, 2004). Our contemporary efforts to (re-)introduce discourse about culture into psychology are perhaps a third such attempt in the recent past--of 150 or so years. Culture & Psychology Copyright © 2004 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi) www.sagepublications.com Vol. 10(1): 527 [DOI: 10.1177/1354067X04040925]Editorial What does our past tell us? In the history of psychology there have been periods of closeness of cultural and psychological discourses: the end of the 19th century (the time of Wundt's, Steinthal's and Lazarus' versions of Völkerpsychologie), the middle of the 20th century (when the cultural nature of personality was discussed), and during the past two decades--the 'coming era' of cultural psychology. By the nature of the goal of unification of culture and psychology, all these efforts have been cutting across the social boundaries of various disciplines-- psychology, anthropology, ethnology. Yet the first two efforts failed to produce a new synthetic science: Völkerpsychologie in its time devel- oped in parallel to--rather than jointly with--experimental psychol- ogy, and the 'Culture & Personality school' of the 1950s became lost in the grand battle of incoming cognitive science with the bastions of behaviorism in the North American psychological scene of the 1960s and 1970s. It was the socio-political factors of the advancement of science that did not let culture into psychology then. We'll have to wait and see whether the future of the current effort can transcend the failures of the past. The Alluring Charms of the 'Epistemic Markets' Why is there such continuous creative struggle within the minds of psychologists to incorporate culture into psychology? That struggle goes far beyond the short time period--nine years--that the present journal has been in existence. It relates to the social processes of main- tenance of established disciplinary boundaries as social norms, and our frequent--often rhetorical--efforts to transcend those by talking about the 'coming era' of interdisciplinary scholarship. For many a disciplinarian in a social science, the term 'inter- disciplinarity' seems to mean something like 'you need to take over my methods and theories to study your phenomena, and I declare the success of our interdisciplinary breakthrough'. Surely this is an indi- vidualistic tactic within the framework of assumed collectivism of the scientific community. This act of individualistic collectivism sounds like a version of colonial conquest, rather than free interchange on the symbolic 'epistemic market' (Rosa, 1994) of ideas in search of new ways of understanding. An economist may--rightfully--say that it is all too bad if psychologists naïvely subscribe to the 'free market' idea of exchange of ideas on the epistemic market. No doubt that market-- like any other--is being made by the market-makers who set up the conditions for its functioning, and 'trade up' (or 'down') some of the ideas on it ahead of others. In some sense, a journal such as Culture & Culture & Psychology 10(1) 6 Psychology operates as one of such market-makers. This is crucial: as was pointed out before (Valsiner, 2001, p. 36), markets only exchange what has already been produced, they do not produce anything by them- selves. Furthermore, the glorification of the 'objectivity' of 'market forces' can reify the maintenance of the consensually established social value of some ways of doing research, even if their actual intellectual productivity has been low. In other terms, if economic markets have been shown to collapse due to the 'technology bubble', then why should the 'epistemic markets' of psychology not collapse because of the consensual exaggeration of some aspect of research--'the methods bubble'? Yet the value organization of a market may guide the production of future directions. For example, there is no substantive reason in psychology for the overwhelming dominance of quantitative method- ologies. Most of their uses both violate their own premises, as well as do violence to the phenomena from which data are derived. Still, non- reflexive use of these methods continues in psychology as a perceived need projected onto the demands of the epistemic market--'if you do not use ANOVA you do not get published'. Maybe a collapse of the 'ANOVA bubble' is in order? I am pleased that in Culture & Psychology the situation is almost the reverse--a sure mistake for authors who want to publish here is to saturate their manuscripts with meaningless p or F values from ANOVAS that make no scientific sense. We restore some reason to the irrational accumulation of 'symbolic capital' by authors of empirical publications that dominate the publication world in psychology. Before using any statistical method (or reporting its use in a manuscript), our authors have to prove that such use is conceptually appropriate. They often fail--with the result that we maintain an irrationally high (90%) rejection rate. We require consistencies between theory, methods and empirical phenomena--and often the existing practices of 'doing research' fail to emphasize that. Retrospect on Recent Years: Enduring and Developing Themes It seems worthwhile to give an editorial analysis of what the journal is doing, at regular intervals. Three years have passed since the last time (Valsiner, 2001). Re-reading the papers we have published in those intervening three years leaves one with the impression of creative continuity. The international nature of the journal has successfully continued, and so have the basic themes outlined. A number of new Valsiner Editorial 7 perspectives have been constructively outlined and elaborated: those of symbolic resources (Zittoun, Duveen, Gillespie, Ivinson, & Psaltis, 2003); a new synthetic look at the individualism/collectivism issue (Ho, Chan, Peng, & Ng, 2001; Realo, 2003; Tripathi & Leviathan, 2003), and the recognition of the centrality of ambivalence in psychological phenomena (Abbey, 2002). In balance, in addition to contemplative search, we have also been caught in the jaws of heated discussions. These disputes may have some value--at least they clarify the co-presence of deeply entrenched, immutable positions held by their authors. Yet disputes are often social positioning exercises--battles for the show of one's power displays. Different social systems of psychology in different countries may have different ways of negotiating social positions--with a result of confus- ing mixing of substance and negotiating strategies.1 If science were to be reduced to the inquiry about different socially constructed positions and their relations, then such disputes would be of prime relevance. Yet, based on an old-fashioned view, one cannot accept the reduction of science--even social science--to the investi- gation of the landscape of social positioning. There is a reality--in our case a culturally organized, psychological reality--that we are trying to investigate through the construction of general theoretical schemes and fitting empirical techniques (see Branco & Valsiner, 1997). That reality needs to prevail. The Expanding Practices of 'Social Practice' A substantial theme in contemporary cultural psychology is talk about 'social practices', and about 'participation'. Most of that talk has abstracted these notions from the structure of social roles of the persons who are involved or participate in such practices. The basis of much of such talk in the realm of education--formal or informal--has led to the glorification of 'practice theories' as a way to improve the general education of the participants. However, human social practices vary widely. They entail various acts of different value to different social institutions. Thus, enrollment of young children and adolescents in the social practices of warfare is one of the main examples of social participation across history. As Hundeide (2003) demonstrates, a number of rather robust--and morally objectionable--means are used all over the world to make boys and girls act as warriors. By some estimates, about 250,000 young people of age 18 and below are currently fighting in 33 wars that are going on in parallel (Goldstein, 2001, p. 293). This is a far cry from the benevolent imagery of educationalists who would want to see children Culture & Psychology 10(1) 8 participate in open classrooms rather than battlefields. However, social realities differ. Similarly, a socio-moral outrage is expressed in the West about the African practices of infibulation and clitoridectomy (Hicks, 1996; Walley, 2002), while the circumcision practices of infants in Western hospitals go unnoticed. The abstract and overgeneralized meaning fields of war, peace, justice, human rights, and so on, flavor the applications of social practice theories. Of course, practice theories have narrower applications in contexts of less ideological controversy. Thus, the micro-level analysis of how hairdressers work (Billett, 2003) gives us new leads for the develop- ment of practice theories. Empirical examples from hairdressing in Samoa (Mageo, 2002, p. 437) provide a further basis for elaboration of practice theories. Yet there are also considerations of such 'social prac- tices' at a macro-social level: the lives of prostitutes in their socio- historical niche (White, 1990); immigration and its psychological complexity (Bhatia & Ram, 2001; Hermans, 2001b); the volunteering of young sons or daughters to dedicate themselves to family enterprises (Song, 1999), or legislating society through mothers' baby-feeding practices (Whitaker, 2000); and, last but not least, the role of social scientists in the socio-political contexts (James, 1973; Lackner, 1973)-- all are examples of 'social practices'. The notion of 'social practice' grows exponentially. People do not only participate in 'social practices' by actions; they also dream with their help, and they create externalized fantasms that feed forward into the development of further practices (Josephs, 2002). Some of these fantasms are stereotypes about one's own national unity characteristics (Realo, 2003; Stearns, 2001) or those of others (Jahoda, 2001). Both are constructed externalizations of the human psyche--hence these fantasms are cultural inventions that become real through social prac- tices. Stereotypes put into practices become tools that lead to real outcomes--rather than remain mere descriptions (Jahoda, 2001, p. 194). Perhaps the crucial feature of such theory construction is the inherent link of the opposite sides of the practice within itself. Of course that unity of opposites can easily be overlooked--especially if an ontological theory is being created about a phenomenon. As an example, consider the phenomenon 'immigration' and the object of investigation--'immigrant identity'. By setting up this object of investi- gation in terms of being an immigrant, the researcher is led into the realm of looking at static contrasts between various 'beings' ('immi- grant' versus 'native' ways of being). The dynamic--functional--side of the phenomenon remains out of focus in the construction of the 'being' story of the 'immigrant identity'.Valsiner Editorial 9 In contrast, a functional theory of 'immigrant identity' entails a look at the two opposite processes--'leaving the place of origin' and 'arriving in the place of immigration'. It is not merely the physical act of geographical re-location that is at stake, but the psychological phenomena of a dialogic opposition between the 'old' and 'new' worlds of the person. The psychological phenomena can flavor the person's ways of 'being an immigrant' over the whole life course. A 'successful' immigrant continues to yearn for his or her background home country, and one who remains in that home country idealizes the 'being an immigrant' of the other (Riemann, 2003). In this approach, the 'being immigrant' becomes viewed as a special unity of two opposite processes: longing for the far-off--Fernweh, in Boesch (1997)--which feeds into longing for home--Heimweh. Likewise, identity processes of persons who do not migrate out of their loci of living entail ideational desires to 'go away' together with hesitancy about doing so in practice (see the functions of music--Abbey & Davis, 2003). In each concrete situation of 'person in setting X' is embedded the opposite ('person out of setting X'). This tension between opposite processes makes psychological distancing (Sigel, 2002) not only possible but also mandatory. A theory of 'psychological being' needs to be a theory of psychological distancing. A theory of 'collectivism versus individualism' (an ontological story, widely accepted in cross- cultural psychology) becomes that of a tension between two processes--'striving towards individualistic gains' and 'yearning for belonging to a community' (cf. Mead, 2001). From Exclusive Polarities to Integrated Structures--and to Appropriate Data The return to issues of 'individualism' and 'collectivism' in the recent issues of the journal (Matsumoto, 2003; Realo, 2003; Tripathi & Leviathan, 2003) is an indicator of continuous conceptual strife in psychology. In the most general form, that strife is built on first making a distinction, then turning the distinction into an opposition, after which the problem arises: what to do with the constructed opposition? A frequent technical trick played by psychologists on their own know- ledge base is to turn the opposition into a rating scale (Wagoner & Valsiner, 2003). This entails the elimination of all of the psychological complexity that exists between the two polar opposites in favor of a superimposed linear interval scale, for instance the general complex of feelings: Culture & Psychology 10(1) 10 becomes transformed into a rating task Obviously, none of the complexity of the phenomena (the complex of 'love AND hate') becomes reflected in the data (rating in the middle of the scale). So it is easy to see how psychological data become non- representative of the phenomena at the very first step of researcher- instituted extraction of the data. Of course, the standard practice of using rating scales leads to accumulation of easily quantified data-- and to a void in our scientific understanding of the psychological reality. The crucial systemic--non-linear--nature of the phenomena is crushed by forcing it to become depicted through a linear scale. Easily Applicable Methods as a Way to Theoretical Impasses The example of the violence that enforced linearization of the data does to the non-linearity of the phenomena repeats itself in the case of many other standard methods of contemporary psychology. The result of using methods that superimpose their implicit assumptions upon the data construction is the construction of epistemological 'blind spots'-- the method begins to determine the general ways in which researchers think. The result is the loss of the phenomena from their focus of atten- tion (Cairns, 1986), and, eventually, the turning of a science into a shared social positioning exercise. It is obvious that psychology has little to gain from the socially normative use of 'standard methods' outside of their fit with theories and phenomena. Yet that practice continues--unreflectively--all through psychology. No doubt the scientific status of psychology is substantially undermined by such rigidified practices. Cultural psychology--in contrast to the rest of psychology--can take a fresh look at this methodological pitfall. By recognizing the non-linear complexity of the phenomena, cultural psychology needs to take the leadership role Valsiner Editorial 11ATTIMESATTIMES I LOVE MY FATHERandI HATE MY FATHER FATHER LOVE|----------|---------|---------X|---------|---------|----------|HATE in developing new, phenomena-adequate, data derivation strategies. So far it has not succeeded in developing new directions in the quan- titative side of methods construction. On balance, the qualitative tech- niques of data derivation are currently being innovated in many ways--discursive, conversational, and in the framework of social representations investigation. Theoretical Constructions: Process and Structure Orientation Cultural psychology entails renewed interest in process-oriented theor- etical constructions. Keith Sawyer (2002) provides a thorough analysis of the theoretical state of affairs in contemporary socio-cultural research. It is clear that the most productive direction in theoretical build-up is that of creating multi-level models of mutually interdependent processes. Hence a structure of processes (rather than causal entities) could be the way to develop in cultural psychology. Such structure entails elaboration of the relations between the processes within the structure. Obviously, such a direction of theory building is qualitative in its core. Quantification is itself an operation that is based on quali- tative distinctions that are made first.2 Two issues are at stake in this direction: first, the need to focus on multi-level organization of struc- tured process phenomena; second, how to create systemic accounts of the way culture works within psychological processes. Multi-level hierarchically ordered processes are likely to be part of any theoretical elaboration in cultural psychology. Of course the easiest example of such models is that of Lev Vygotsky's (and Pierre Janet's-- see van der Veer & Valsiner, 1991) focus on the hierarchy of higher psychological processes in relation to their lower counterparts (see also Toomela, 2003a, 2003b). The higher processes--of a volitional kind-- relate to the lower processes through regulating the flow of the latter. So we have a structure of two levels of processes, which is mediated by another process--their relation (semiotic mediation). Too much of 'process talk', perhaps? Not really. Our language use plays the trick of entification--a labeled process easily becomes treated as an entity (e.g. 'learning'--first a label for a complex process, becomes transformed into claims like 'X is due to learning', where the process has become a labeled causal entity). Yet it is theoretically crucial to maintain the processual focus in our theoretical formalisms-- the contrast between stereotyping (as process) and stereotypes (as entities) remains a good example (Jahoda, 2001, pp. 188195). The focus on how a semiotic tool, a sign--such as a meaning utilized by an agent to stereotype some other agent--becomes functional in the stereotyp- ing process is the focus for cultural psychology to thematize. Culture & Psychology 10(1) 12 A similar issue of multi-level organization appears in the case of empirical generalizations of an inductive kind. Coming out of the specific discussion of individualism and collectivism, David Matsumoto (2003) makes a crucial point that is relevant for inquiry in all areas of psychology: In the past, researchers, myself included, have done a poor job of noting the differences between consensual-level culture and individual-level measure- ments of culture . . . . More often than not, researchers have equated the two, suggesting or implying that their individual-level measurements of culture are in fact representative of group- and consensual-level culture. Quite frankly, they are not--or, more precisely, not completely. (p. 92) Matsumoto proceeded to emphasize the lack of investigation of the social structures that guide individuals' responses to psychological questionnaires. I here want to emphasize a slightly different point: the act of inductive generalization that moves from samples (consisting of individuals) to populations prescribes by default such making of the homogeneous class of a 'culture'; the averaging (or prototyping) of the sample leads to equating the individual and collective levels (Valsiner, 1986). Perils of Simplicity: Homogenization as Error Homogenization of heterogeneous classes is a regular practice in the social sciences--a practice that serves as a major obstacle for further development of these sciences. The very essence of the phenomena-- their intra-individual and inter-individual variability3--becomes elim- inated from further consideration. All through the years of our journal, the issue has been discussed when it comes to inter-society and intra- society variability (see also Valsiner, 2001, pp. 1819), as well as when we recognize the historicity of all cultural-psychological phenomena. However, the issue is more profound than just that of taking (or not taking) variability into account. It is about the reality value of all psychological data. Psychology is successful in eliminating the richness of the original phenomena from further consideration--by transform- ing these phenomena into unimaginative data that fit the input charac- teristics of available data analytic techniques. Perhaps a slight (to say the least) analogue here could be the case of a patient who goes to the doctor asking for help for a headache, and who returns from the visit having been given a lobotomy as the most modern and technologically available treatment. In contrast, all psychological, social and biological phenomena are structured and self-structuring multi-level wholes (Gottlieb, 2003; Valsiner, 1998). Of course it is possible to concentrate on the study of Valsiner Editorial 13 only one level of the phenomena--yet such investigation cannot result in solutions to problems that require understanding of functional relations between levels. As long as there is a need to 'anchor' the func- tional system operating at some level in any framework, the use of some adjacent level becomes necessary. The question that remains is: which one? An answer: the next adjacent one--and not one far removed from the level of immediate research activity. As an example, consider the current popularity of the 'human genome project'. It is clear that knowledge of the functional organiz- ation at the level of the genes is crucial for our biological understand- ing. Yet much of the effort is to link--through correlative rather than functional means--the level of genes with levels that are far removed in the organizational hierarchy. Examples of that kind are searching for the 'genetic basis for schizophrenia' or 'the gene for IQ'--both belong- ing to the category of scientific impossibilities. There is no doubt that all psychiatric disturbances or acts of intellect are linked with the genetic base, but the nature of such a linkage is not that of one-to-one correspondence or statistical significance of a correlation coefficient differing from zero. The level adjacent to that of the genes is that of proteins, and not that of the psyche. The latter may be removed from the genetic processes by at least three levels of biological organization (protein, anatomical, physiological), and--looking from the perspec- tive of cultural psychology--mediated by the intervention of the adjacent level superior to itself (social practices, or collective culture). Hence one can claim that the much hailed 'breakthroughs' in the human genome project are of no principal relevance for psychology as science--despite their undoubted value for the knowledge base of genetics. The distance in the levels of organization of the phenomena diminishes that value.4 Phenomena from different organizational levels cannot be mixed as if a cocktail is the solution. The same need for defining organizational structure is there at the higher levels of organization. Starting from those of psychological functions, the lower (involuntary) and higher (voluntary) levels are separate--yet interconnected--within the human psyche. As is known from all the heritage of the cultural-historical tradition of Lev Vygotsky, cultural tools operate precisely as means of goals-oriented regulation in between these two levels, and in ways that modify both of them: the lower level is re-organized by the signs (cultural tools), while the higher level grows in its action potential (of voluntary actions). Similar reciprocity exists between the personal and immediate social (small group or immediate crowd) levels of organization. Prejudice--at the psychological level--emerges from the establishment of evaluative Culture & Psychology 10(1) 14 ingroup/outgroup relations at the immediate social level. It can lead to different forms of action in relation to other persons in the two groups--outgroup members can be ignored, antilocuted (joked about, gossiped), segregated, discriminated against or physically attacked (see Allport, 1979, p. 49)--all at the intersections of the person and the immediate social groups. Yet these local actions--when unsupported by still higher organizational levels of the social kind--need not prevail. The prejudice-based squirmishes--aggressive as those may be--still come and go. The situation changes if there is further social guidance of such persongroup relations at the level of ideologies of social institutions. The latter may promote the loyalty of persons through various promo- tions of signs embedded within social lives of the persons. Thus, prep- aration of the Japanese for loyalty to the emperor through the cultural symbol of cherry blossoms (Ohnuki-Tierney, 2002), or the special symbolic status allotted to a national flag (Marvin & Ingle, 1999), or focus on mothers' breastfeeding of infants as an act of loyalty (Whitaker, 2000) are all examples of stabilizing the value systems of persons within social groups so as to orient the persons collectively in the desired--for the institutions--direction of action. Thus, the psycho- logical level becomes guided by the institutional level--which may by- pass that of the immediate social groups to which the person belongs, or act through these groups. Thus, the institutional goals in the Chinese 'Cultural Revolution' included the direct by-passing of the tradition of the family and the empowering of adolescents and children to change society in directions indicated by the government (Chan, 1985). Systemic Units of Analysis Cultural psychology begins from the assumption of systemic organiz- ation of the phenomena it studies. This makes the idiographic perspec- tive the core of psychological science. The move towards analysis of single-case phenomena has recently picked up speed in contemporary psychology, largely spearheaded by quantitative methodologists (Molenaar, 2003) who develop techniques for testing the adequacy of generic models on the data from single cases. In cultural psychology, the person (Josephs, 2002), or the social group, or community, or a nation (society, 'culture' in the sense used in cross-cultural psychology) constitutes the systemic unit of analysis. Each specific research project needs to define its own unit of analysis at the level of organization of the phenomena that is of interest. An analogy with microscopy may fit here--the selection of appropriate level of magnification allows the viewer to see what is desired. Similarly, the means and level of Valsiner Editorial 15 complexity for the unit of analysis in cultural psychology depend on the research question asked. The only formal requirement is the systemic nature of the minimal unit: Whole Unit = {parts A, B, and relation ARB} However, defining the unit of analysis is not sufficient--after all, we can declare the world to be 'systemic' and spend our energies fighting the ghosts of 'atomism' (reduction of ARB to separated categories A and B). Instead, it is necessary to elaborate the ways in which the systemic units operate--in terms of the scheme above: what is the precise nature of the relation (R)? Conceptualizing a relation can take different directions. The first step-divider is whether the assumption of either the harmonious or the non-harmonious nature of the relation between the parts of the system is accepted. It is possible to consider a systemic unit within which its parts feed in pre-determined and harmonious ways into each other. That scenario is a kind of 'systemic clockwork' that produces outcomes due to its internally fixed relationship of parts. In contrast, various dialectical and dialogical approaches in psychol- ogy would shy away from such a set-up of the relationships between the parts in a whole. The phenomena of tensions between two parts of 'cultural identity' (e.g. Dutch in relation to Chinese--Verkuyten & de Wolf, 2002--Dutch in relation to Algerian--Hermans, 2001b--or 'individualistic' in relation to 'collectivistic'--Realo, 2003) can be viewed as in some form of non-harmonious relation with one another. The theoretical issue for finding solutions to identity questions is that of how the person handles the ambiguity inherent in the opposites (Abbey, 2002).5 It can immobilize the researcher because the fluidity of the phenomena does not fit the coding schemes (del Río, 2002)--the latter are usually worked out within a perspective that eliminates the systemic nature of the phenomena from the derived data. Contem- porary cultural inventions tend to increase the ambiguities--leading to its overcoming by ever new artifact constructions (Mantovani, 2002, pp. 310313). Some examples of the unity of opposites within the same whole have been brought out on the pages of the journal. Thus, Americans can be characterized by unity of opposites: anti-intellectualism and education- valuation; religiosity and non-religiosity (Stearns, 2001); individualism and community-dependence (Mead, 2001). Cultural psychology may arrive at such a substitution of the divisive 'or' in these oppositions by way of conjunction--yet it is unclear how the processes behind the 'and' work. Culture & Psychology 10(1) 16 However, there are multiple possibilities for making sense of the 'and'. A solution to the 'what is "and"' problem is to analyze the cultural histories--both personal and collective--of the dialogical self (Roland, 2001, p. 312). This requires the recognition of the high fluidity of forms that the dialogical self can take in any society (multiple group memberships--Adams & Markus, 2001, p. 290; Brockmeier, 2002, p. 23; Chaudhary & Sriram, 2001, p. 380). Such multiplicity and fluidity lead to new organization--some hierarchical regulatory system--resulting from mental synthesis (dialectical thinking--Ho et al., 2001). Indeed, through the discussions around the dialogicality of the self, cultural psychology may arrive at a general concept of the self that transcends the differences of Western and Eastern thought--a nice goal for science. Yet the different forms of dialogical relations need to be formally outlined. The dialogical nature of the self may be the basic tool for human adaptation under changing circumstances. It can lead to 'cultural surplus'--the person in the 'minority group' can utilize his or her back- ground (e.g. motivation for education) not just to 'adjust' to the country of immigration, but also to succeed ahead of 'majority group' members (Moghaddam, 2002). Different kinds of symbolic resources (Zittoun et al., 2003) are used in that process. These may lead to success, but also can block the person from it (Goldenweiser, 1913). Furthermore, the meaning of 'success' is itself part of the cultural construction process; it differs cardinally when viewed by a businessman, by a scholar or by an assassin (Andriolo, 2002). We can think of our human-made worlds as culturally constructed and therefore real--both the cities erected by architects and those devastated by air raids are very real results of cultural construction. Cultural psychology focuses on culture as a means to different ends, and the emergence of new instruments in that process. New instru- ments of culture simultaneously enable and constrain our psycho- logical functions, while the person is the central agent of cultural action (Boesch, 2001). That centrality leads to the aesthetics of being, and includes psychological distancing (Cupchik, 2002). It is the modulation of the psychological distancing: 'moving into' a setting (of activity, or of another's imagined position, as in Einfühlung) is interspersed by 'moving out' of the immediate setting (by action, or by ideation). Culture makes human beings free of the demands of the immediate here-and-now setting. Yet there is a price to that freedom, in the form of the fixation (and, at times, rigidification) of a social perspective taken from a distance. This applies to human social life in general, and also to the social mindscape of the social sciences.Valsiner Editorial 17 Limits on Knowledge Construction: Social Positioning and Counter-positioning Group formation around a perspective in a science is a natural part of the social side of research. Yet the groups can function in ways that retain the primacy of the phenomena, or in ways that concentrate on the primacy of the group--moving away from the focus on the phenomena. There are periods in a science--in general, or in a specific country--when its primary focus may shift from the phenomena- centered activity to the social group organization (e.g. 'Soviet science'--Valsiner, 1988--'quantitative science', 'hard science', etc.). All the parts of the relevant system--theory, methods, data, phenomena-- may remain the same, while only the primacy of values is changed. The question that begins to prevail is no longer what the data represent (with regard to the phenomena), but whether the data are created 'in the right [e.g. quantitative, qualitative, standardized, etc.] way'. Loyalty may win over knowledge--and our empirical research practices may be close to fulfilling the conditions of acts of 'epistemological terrorism'. This kind of terrorism may differ from its violent counterparts in its means, but not in the social organization of its mission (see Moghad- dam, 2004, p. 104). Cross-cultural psychology has at times referred to it in a less dramatic way. The practice of 'Landrover psychometry'--in other words, the application of culturally alien, yet scientifically 'right' (i.e. standardized) tests in an African village--illustrates the empirical end of such transformation of science into a social practice. Two Roles of Theories There are two implicit functions of theories in psychology. First, theories are tools for taking a new look at the phenomena we want to under- stand. Secondly, theories are set mental (and socio-ideological) positions that are being followed for the reasons of 'contributing to the literature', or following a tradition, or getting tenure in an academic institution, or reaching many other socially and personally useful objectives. Obviously it is only the first of these two functions that has relevance for science (in the sense of generalized knowledge--Wissenschaft). The latter is the function of theories that undoubtedly have central relevance for a science's relations with the socio-ideological texture of the given society at the time. The ideal for a science is the dominance of the first over the second for a productive historical period in a science, and the domination of the second over the first in case of stabilization of a given discipline in a state of 'normal science' in a Kuhnian sense. Culture & Psychology 10(1) 18 Theories as Identity Markers This role of theories is an outgrowth from the social organization of a particular science within the given society at the given historical period. Uses of theories of a particular discipline in that second function are an example of appropriation of those theories for the socio-political discourses of the given society at the time. This second function obviously sets the stage for the first one--leading both to quick spurts in the development of the discipline (e.g. the role of 'Marxist turn' in psychology in Russia in the 1920s) and to long-term stagnation in the study of some psychological functions (e.g. the role of American behaviorism in the delay of the study of mental functions, from the 1910s to the 1960s). Of course, the first role of a theory--as an intellectual tool--may itself become transformed into an ideological position as the sense- making efforts of the initiators give way to the efforts of various groups of disciples to follow (rather than further advance) the original ideas. Examples of such kinds--disputes between 'Piagetians', 'Vygotskians' or the like--unfortunately exist in contemporary cultural psychology. This would constitute a marginal case between theories' functions 1 and 2--a system of ideas that originally was created to allow for a fresh look at phenomena becomes dissociated from the phenomena and turned into a vehicle for group formation of the clans of scientists. The history of psychology gives us ample evidence of how originally intel- lectually productive theories became fixated upon their own role, entered into various social disputes with others, and became fossilized. Some such changes happened under the leadership of the originator becoming well established in his or her social network (e.g. Freud, Piaget), others in ways quite contrary to the wishes of the originator (Vygotsky). Some idea systems were socially turned into orthodoxies to be followed: the study of behavior became behaviorism; the study of mental phenomena--with its original Würzburgian and Völker- psychologie focus--was turned into cognitivism. Psychology has socially generated '-isms' of various kinds--all of which are examples of the second function of theories in that discipline. The '-isms' generate axiomatic bases for different perspectives--a feature of social organiz- ation of science that was noted long ago (Hall, 1904, pp. 4951). The critical question is what value does the rhetorical positioning in organization of any science hold for actual knowledge creation by that science? What is the actual new knowledge construction (if any) that is made possible by discussions of the benefits of cognitivism over behaviorism? Or is such use of '-isms' merely a rhetorical device for looking clever within a community of scholars?Valsiner Editorial 19 Theories as Intellectual Tools In contrast, theories as tools function to help the researcher set up his or her perspective on the phenomena under study in ways that allow the investigation of some otherwise overlooked side of these phenom- ena. Here theories grow due to the research practices. To be sure, the starting point is a general, set perspective, leading to a specific empiri- cal endeavor. Yet under the conditions of 'toolness' of a theory, the theory is changed based on that endeavor. The theory--at some level of its hierarchical build-up--will change as a result of empirical evidence, leading to a new look at the phenomena, new practice, again a new look, and so on. The construction--and use--of theories as intellectual tools is predicated upon the notion of vertical consistency between assump- tions, theories, methods, data and phenomena within the general cycle of methodology (Branco & Valsiner, 1997). This notion makes empirical investigation central for theory construction--albeit in strictly limited loci of the creation of knowledge. It is the theoretical construction that constitutes knowledge--proven by crucial probes into the empirical domains--not the accumulation of data in some database. By which criteria can one make a distinction between the two func- tions of a theory? Obviously, the first of such criteria is general, and represents the social rhetorical side of a science. Dominance fights between 'competing' theoretical 'systems' (e.g. at times agitated 'fights' between self-proclaimed 'cognitivists' and 'behaviorists') are a first indicator of the loss of the function of theories as tools. For a researcher using a theory (e.g. Vygotsky's) to approach a specific issue of under- standing, the contrast to some other theorist's (e.g. Piaget's) abstract constructions is merely a contrasting 'intellectual mirror' that can be consulted but not used, as it does not allow for the capturing of some desired aspect of the target phenomenon. Hence to spend one's intel- lectual energies 'fighting for' the adequacy of one 'system' over the other is for that researcher a mere waste of time. Not so for others, for whom the different 'systems' have acquired the status of social ideology. They would insist upon debates around the issue of domi- nance of their pet 'system' over all others, and may even go so far as to argue for the need for 'the right stuff' to be proliferated in society at large. Any deconstruction exercise played out on the grounds of an existing theory--without a corresponding reconstruction of the theory--speaks about the use of theoretical discourse for the function of identity negotiation. Thus, 'critical psychology' can be 'critical' in two ways: demolishing the target theoretical system, or bringing out Culture & Psychology 10(1) 20 features that can lead to its improvement. The latter belongs to the theories-as-tools orientation; the former does not. A second criterion for detecting the turn of the role of theory as a tool as opposed to that of a social ideology is the presence of decon- struction efforts without a corresponding reconstruction focus. It is certainly not difficult to analyze a rival theoretical 'system', exposing its hidden premises and unexpressed nuances of meaning. This can be done as a part of a dismissal of the target--or with the focus on learning from the deconstruction for one's own reconstruction. It is the latter that represents productivity in science. A mere 'critical stance' in psychol- ogy may display the ills of the discipline, but stop at the doorstep of re-vitalizing it. Psychology's Problem in the 21st Century: Demand for Consumption The question of whether new theories (as tools) are constructed de novo or whether they are merely old ones that are used rhetorically (by following and reifying them) is embedded within a wider societal meaning opposition CONSUMPTIONPRODUCTION. It can be seen that our contemporary societies have moved swiftly to a dependence upon producing and selling high volumes of standardized and short-term usable consumer products (rather than durable, and repairable, high- quality products). There are economic reasons for such a reduction of quality (and, with them, of skills that could maintain quality, e.g. the extinction of repair facilities for anything ranging from shoes to computers). Instead of repairing an object, we replace it--with the resulting distancing from how the object actually works. The psychological impact of such social change is strict differentia- tion of the consuming from the producing orientation in everyday life. Instead of creating a new object (and preparing to do so in a life-long education process), we select and purchase a ready-made one to fit our needs. These ready-made objects are made by others (who know how to make them--but keep that knowhow to be accessed by a dedicated few), while the large cohorts of consumers are kept away from the production process. Viewing the practices of dealing with theories in psychology in recent decades, one can find a similar bifurcation. The majority of psychologists expect theories to be ready-made, finished and immedi- ately applicable 'products' that can be linked with their particular empirical needs. If one of those does not fit, it is not repaired (i.e. trans- formed into a more fitting form), but abandoned in full. It is replaced Valsiner Editorial 21 by selection of another--'pre-packaged'--theory that is tried out in a similar way. Psychologists' work becomes that of consumers' use of theories, not the creation of new ones (or transformation of old ones). It is obvious that consumers' selection between ready-made products cannot innovate the products. Dissatisfaction with these products may lead a producer to offer a new--yet 'pre-packaged'--theory as one more of such products. What becomes lost in this is psychologists' general orientation towards creating their own abstract tools to deal with their needs. The tools are habitually selected, not created. In that selection, major mismatches occur between theories' implicit premises and the nature of the phenomena. As a result, many of psychology's empirical data--especially those created by 'standardized instru- ments'--reduce our understanding of the phenomena studied (or at least do not enhance it). Arenas for New Ideas Cultural psychology is certainly at the forefront of our contemporary 'revolutionary science' in the realm of psychology. The notion of fixation of its methods ('standardization') is inherently foreign to the work readers have encountered in Culture & Psychology over its exist- ence. Even if so-called 'standardized methods' have been used at times, their use has been put to non-standard theoretical purposes. Instead, the restoration of the primacy of the phenomena--supported by reporting of discursive, conversational and narrative data--is leading 'up and coming' cultural psychology back to its future: the building of systemic models of basic psychological processes that include cultural processes in their structure in an executive role. A crucial breakthrough in cultural psychology can come from the move from psychology's usual utilization of direct linear causality assumptions (A causes B) to those of systemic catalyzed causality (see Valsiner, 2000, pp. 7476). The former is part and parcel of the turning of the analysis of variance mindset into a meta-theoretical model for theory construction in psychology (Gigerenzer, 1993). The latter is a model that axiomatically fits all open-systemic phenomena--yet it has not been accompanied by systematic construction of research methods that would link the theory and phenomena so as to create new know- ledge. An example of how the systemic catalyzed causality model allows us new knowledge comes from a recent analysis of the phenomena of 'terrorism' (Moghaddam, 2004). With the public focus acutely oriented towards the widening waves of various acts of 'terrorism'-- Culture & Psychology 10(1) 22 by sectarian groups and powerful governments fighting those groups--social scientists are confronted with a real-life problem that their habitual theoretical schemes are ill prepared to tackle. Sure, the acts of 'terrorism' can be attributed to biological (e.g. a 'gene for terror- ism'), personality (e.g. 'a trait for terrorism') or selected social causes (e.g. 'if a mother does not smile towards her baby, s/he has a chance of becoming a terrorist'). Yet such an act of attribution becomes increasingly transparent in its futility. Social scientists can play the game of making all kinds of attributions--and the lay public may accept some of them, under the influence of journalistic media templates (Kitzinger, 2000). Yet simple explanations are most likely insufficient for complex phenomena. Moghaddam's theoretical explanation of the emergence of any act of 'terrorism' entails a system of ten preconditions (isolation of groups; world view in polarized terms; perception of present society as 'unjust'; feeling the 'need for change'; ends justifying means; terror as effective means; personal feeling of duty to change society; belief in self-improvement; fragile self; and preference to be in the group-- Moghaddam, 2004, p. 107). None of these conditions separately would lead to an act of terror, and even all ten taken together need not result in it. It takes the presence of two catalytic conditions (social isolation of the group and the perception of need to change society-- p. 117). Moghaddam suggests the emerging Gestalt notion for the causal system involved in specific outcomes (such as a violent attack): different parts of the causal system establish their specific relations at a specific time period, and if the catalytic conditions are present, the predicted outcome may happen. A similar idea has been expressed about the causal system involved in the preparation of persons in society for military action through videogames (Valsiner & Capezza, 2002). Re-formulation of the notion of causality leads to the need for novel kinds of research designs and a return to context-linked naturalistic experiments that would elicit access to the process of construction and use of symbolic resources. Cultural psychology may find itself close to classical experimental social psychology (e.g. Sherif & Sherif, 1956) or even to the early work of the 'Würzburg School' of introspective psychology (Simon, 1999). Perhaps it is all testimony to the value of the history of science for further advancement of ideas in the given disci- pline. Cultural psychology has had a few fresh starts in its history, but no substantial integration. Perhaps such integration can be attained through learning from our past failures to achieve it. No science can develop without reflection upon its history.Valsiner Editorial 23 Notes 1. In an international journal like Culture & Psychology, such confusions may be overcome--or perhaps replaced by other confusions--through explicitly international procedures of manuscript reviews. 2. The quantitative and qualitative research directions are not distinguished at the level of nominal scale data construction (in the empirical work), and all theoretical constructs are qualitatively set first. They may be translated into quantitative parameters subsequently. 3. The homogenization of variability in psychological research practices is also achieved by habitual treatment of inter-individual (within sample) variability as it is isomorphic with intra-individual variability (of a person over time). That assumption is proven wrong (Molenaar, Huizinga, & Nesselroade, 2002). Consequences of the use of that assumption invalidate the empirical work in many fields of psychology over the past half-century. 4. It needs to be added that the inferential problems that psychologists face are repeated by geneticists at their level of organization of phenomena. 5. 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Culture & Psychology, 9(4), 415448.Valsiner Editorial 27</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><notes><p><list list-type="order"><list-item><p>1. In an international journal like <italic>Culture & Psychology</italic>, such confusions may be overcome—or perhaps replaced by other confusions—through explicitly international procedures of manuscript reviews.</p></list-item><list-item><p>2. The quantitative and qualitative research directions are not distinguished at the level of nominal scale data construction (in the empirical work), and all theoretical constructs are qualitatively set first. They may be translated into quantitative parameters subsequently.</p></list-item><list-item><p>3. The homogenization of variability in psychological research practices is also achieved by habitual treatment of inter-individual (within sample) variability as it is isomorphic with intra-individual variability (of a person over time). That assumption is proven wrong (Molenaar, Huizinga, & Nesselroade, 2002). Consequences of the use of that assumption invalidate the empirical work in many fields of psychology over the past half-century.</p></list-item><list-item><p>4. It needs to be added that the inferential problems that psychologists face are repeated by geneticists at their level of organization of phenomena.</p></list-item><list-item><p>5. 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For further development of the field, it needs to live up to its claim for interdisciplinary synthesis of ideas and support for new research practices that are built on the axioms of the systemic and dynamic units of analysis. Cultural psychology shares the fate of all social sciences to be under the constraints of the social demand system that expects simplified practically usable suggestions from it. In contrast, cultural psychology is a basic science where general knowledge about culture within psychological processes is created. It is through generalized abstract knowledge that psychology at large can become applicable for specific ends within a society</abstract><subject><genre>keywords</genre><topic>consumption</topic><topic>innovation</topic><topic>production</topic><topic>theory</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Culture & Psychology</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">1354-067X</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1461-7056</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">CAP</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spcap</identifier><part><date>2004</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>10</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>1</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>5</start><end>27</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">716E21A53BC3A5F64E9D2240A1BAC64A90A6C63C</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/1354067X04040925</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_1354067X04040925</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource>SAGE</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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