A NEW TOMBSTONE WITH A LATIN EPITAPH FROM OLBIA
Identifieur interne : 000837 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000836; suivant : 000838A NEW TOMBSTONE WITH A LATIN EPITAPH FROM OLBIA
Auteurs : Vitalii Zubar ; Yuliia KozubSource :
- Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia [ 0929-077X ] ; 2002.
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DOI: 10.1163/15700570260449334
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<p>A NEW TOMBSTONE WITH A LATIN EPITAPH FROM OLBIA VITALII M. ZUBAR and YULIIA I. KOZUB In the rst centuries AD Olbia was caught up in the orbit of the Roman Empire’s foreign policy and, evidently in connection with the threat from the barbarians, a permanent Roman garrison was set up in the city, which consisted of soldiers from the Empire’s Lower Moesian Army. 1 To judge from the data currently available, the Roman vexillatio , which included not only legionaries but also soldiers from auxiliary armies, was stationed there at least from the late sixties or early seventies of the 2 nd century to the middle of the 3 rd century. 2 Yet in comparison, for example, with Tauric Chersonesos, 3 so far only a few inscriptions in Latin have been found in Olbia — left behind by the Roman servicemen or members of their families, on the basis of which it might have been possible to form an idea of the character or size of the city’s Roman garrison or to carry out fruitful investigations regarding the question of the Roman military presence in that ancient city. For this reason every new nd is a focus of close interest and requires an individual publication. 4 In the summer of 1994, during excavation of part of the Olbian necropolis dating from the early centuries AD and situated along the edge of the western plateau of the site Zayachya Balka (Sector G), a tombstone was found with a Latin epitaph, which as building material made up part of the stone in- ll of a grave with a side-chamber (Fig. 1). 5 This stele consisted of a rectangular limestone slab measuring 154 £ 43-43.5 (42 along the pediment) £ 14.5- 15.5 cms. The limestone was porous and contained a large number of natural dents in it formed by shells. It had been hewn with a wide-bladed axe and less carefully along the sides and back. The slab had survived in toto yet the front was 1 Rostovtsev 1915, 1-15; Krapivina 1993, 149. 2 Zubar, Son 1995, 181-187; Zubar, Krapivina 1999, 76-83. 3 For more detail see: Solomonik 1983; Zubar 1994. 4 The authors see it as their pleasant duty to express their heart-felt gratitude to Profes- sor J. Linderski of the Classics Department of the University of North Carolina (USA), Profes- sor T. Sarnowski of Warsaw University, Professor H. Heinen of Trier University and Professor A.I. Ivantchik (Bordeaux-Moscow) for their consultations which were helpful in piecing together and interpreting the inscription published here. 5 Inv. No. O — 94/241; Kozub 1994, 7, pl. VI, 13-17. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2002 Ancient Civilizations 8, 3-4 Also available online – www.brill.nl</p>
<p>200 V.M. ZUBAR AND Y.I. KOZUB badly chipped. The upper part of the front surface had been fashioned in the shape of a pediment. There was a circle in the tympanum, which bore incised decoration in the form of a laurel wreath. The circle touched the base of the pediment. Along both sides of the pediment in the upper corners of the stele two stylized six-petal rosettes had been carved, framed in an incised circle. The height of the eld with the pediment was 17.5 cms, the diameter of the wreath 9.5 cms and the diameter of the rosettes 5 cms: the height of the relief for the design was 1-1.5 cms. Below the pediment was a rectangular frame, the lower part of which was accentuated by an incised line, and carved decoration consisting of 12 triangles. 6 The width of the frame was 3.5 cms at the sides, 2 cms at the bottom and it was 0.5 cms high. The rosettes and the frame round the inscription were marked out with red paint. Inside the rectangular frame there was a 9-line funerary epitaph measuring 70 £ 35-37 cms and occupying the main eld of the slab. The letters were 3-5 cms high. The distance between the lines was 1.5-2.5 cms (Fig. 2). The inscription reads as follows: 1 DM ANTONIOI ERMOMIL LEGIITALSTI XIXVIXANIS 5 XXXXIVLRV FVSMILLEG IITALETNOMI[. .?.] AN B M P The inscription has been cut along barely discernible lines of a preliminary lay- out plan, traces of which can be seen in Line 5. Characteristics of the script meriting attention include the letter A without a horizontal hasta , L with a hasta raised high and slanting down, wide G’s and C’s, a T with a short crossbar and an uneven S inclined to the right. The lower part of this letter is shorter than its upper part. In the last — 9 th — line there are two or three damaged dividers in the shape of highly stylized leaves. In general, the tracing of the letters is typical for a fairly late period and some of them, such as the L and 6 A similar design for the upper part of a funerary stele has been recorded on the tombstone of soldiers from the Cohors II Lucensium discovered in Chersonesos. See: Solomonik 1983, 47-48, No. 19.</p>
<p>A NEW TOMBSTONE WITH A LATIN EPITAPH FROM OLBIA 201 Fig. 1. Funerary Stele with an Epitaph found in the in- ll of Tomb with a Side-chamber, No. 5. the A border on the so-called “vulgar” style. 7 The letter E has an extended upper hasta . Writing of this kind is also typical for Late Latin. 8 In the fourth line, in the name of the Legio I Italica , the letters I and T have clearly been presented as a ligature. In the fth line we nd anis instead of annis , which can probably be viewed as a mistake on the part of the cutter (Fig. 3). On the whole, apart 7 Huguet 1958, 11, g. 3; 13-14, g. 13; 14, g. 14; 15, g. 19; 16, g. 20; 16, g. 22; Sandys 1969, 47, 51. 8 Zuckerman 1994/1995, 557.</p>
<p>202 V.M. ZUBAR AND Y.I. KOZUB Fig. 2. Funerary Stele with an Epitaph of a soldier from the Legio I Italica from Olbia.</p>
<p>A NEW TOMBSTONE WITH A LATIN EPITAPH FROM OLBIA 203 Fig. 3. Tracing of the Epitaph. from the end of the inscription, deciphering the epitaph does not confront us with major dif culties. The abbreviation STI is well-known in Latin epigraphy and without any doubt can be seen as part of the word sti(pendium) , i.e. the period of military service. 9 There are two names in the epitaph: Antonius Hermus and Julius Rufus. Two-part names of this kind began to be widely used instead of three-part ones in the early centuries AD and are typical for Roman names 9 Gordon 1948, 128; Huguet 1958, 197; Calabi Lementani 1968, 500; cf. CIL, III, 3286 + 10262; 4376; 4378; 9739; 14934; VIII, 21040, XIII, 8094; 7579; 6277, 6333, 7801, 70398308, 8311; Holder 1980, 276, No. 461, 278; No. 502; 289, No. 781; Speidel 1985, 89-91, Nos 1, 3.</p>
<p>204 V.M. ZUBAR AND Y.I. KOZUB recorded in inscriptions from Olbia. 10 The cognomen Hermus has not yet been encountered in Latin onomastics, 11 but Rufus is well known from a whole series of diverse inscriptions. 12 In the 8 th line after the name of the Legio I Italica we nd the letters ET and then at the end of that line and the beginning of the 9 th before B M P, NOMI ( vel . E) AN. It is possible that at the end of the 8 th line and beginning of the 9 th there had been some additional letters, but these are virtually impossible to make out because of the stone’s state of preservation. If we start out from the fact that in front of NOMI ( vel . E) AN stands the name of the soldier from the Legio I Italica and then ET, then NOMI ( vel . E)AN can also be regarded as the name of a person, who took part in the erection of the funerary stele. It is possible that the name can be pieced together, for example as Nome . [nt]an[us]. 13 If this is so, the one-part structure of the name allows us to assume that the person concerned was not a Roman citizen, but was in some way linked with the deceased. From other inscriptions it is well known that, as well as Roman soldiers, who formed vexillationes in Greek cities of the North Pontic region, their relatives also lived there and other groups of the population including, probably, slaves and freedmen, who erected monuments above the tombs of their patrons. 14 A striking example of this is the epitaph of the 90-year-old mother of Galerius Montanus from Olbia. 15 The name NOMI( vel . E)AN(?) can probably be placed in this category: it is mentioned in the epitaph after the name of the soldier from the Legio I Italica — Julius Rufus. Taking into account all the above considerations, this epitaph from a tomb can be pieced together as follows: 10 Knipovich 1968, 189-191. 11 It is possible that in the 3 rd line an i was left out in the name by the cutter. If this is the case, then the original form of the name of the deceased should be reconstituted as Hermius , although it is dif cult to insist that this is so. For more on this cognomen , see Solin 1982, 341. 12 Mócsy, Feldmann, Marton, Szilágyi 1983, 246. 13 See, for example: Horace, Sat. 2,8,23; CIL VI 12742; VIII 6261; Kajanto1965, 47; Mócsy, Feldmann, Marton, Szilágyi 1983, 202. Another restoration, which seems to be more convincing, was proposed by Glen Bowersock who reviewed this article as a member of the advisory board. He notes that it is hard to suppose a non-citizen’s name proclaiming a place like Nomentum in Italy and that there is no room for NT in this line. He proposes to restore a designation of the dedicant’s origo after ET and to read here NOMI/AN(US). The existence of a village near Olbia called Nomia is documented by inscription NO 34. The text should be restored: Iul(ius) Rufus mil(es) leg(ionis) I Ital(icae) et Nomian(us) b(ene) m(erenti) p(osuit) [Editors]. 14 Zubar 1994, 90-92. 15 IOSPE I 2 ; 236.</p>
<p>A NEW TOMBSTONE WITH A LATIN EPITAPH FROM OLBIA 205 1 D(is) M(anibus). Antonio H- ermo mil(iti) leg(ionis) I Ital(icae) sti(pendium) 5 (annis) XIX vix(it) an(n)is XXXX. Iul(ius) Ru- fus mil(es) leg(ionis) I Ital(icae) et Nome[nt?] an(us?) b(ene) m(erenti) p(osuerunt) Translation : To the Gods Manes. To Antonius Hermus, soldier of the Legio I Italica who had served 19 (years) and lived 40 years, Julius Rufus soldier of Legio I Italica and Nomentanus (?) erected this to a man of good deserts. Unfortunately the text of the epitaph gives us no reliable data for dating the tombstone. Yet on the basis of the palaeographic features of the script the tombstone published here is similar to the funerary stele of Aelius Saturninus and Aelia Saturnina from Olbia, which V.V. Latyshev believed could be dated to the middle of the 3 rd century. 16 Moreover it is possible that both these tombstones had come from the workshop of one and the same cutter: indication of this is provided by the very distinctive shapes of the letters A, B, L, M, N and the shape of the dividers in the form of stylized leaves in the last three lines of both inscriptions. Comparison of the distinctive shapes of the letters used on the tombstone of Antonius Hermus with the precisely dated inscriptions on the altar of the year 248 17 and the votive tablet dating from 249-250 from Olbia 18 reveals the similar, if not identical, execution of the letters A, M, N, S and V in all of the examples cited here. Consequently there is every reason — on the basis of the palaeographic data — to date the tombstone of Antonius Hermus to the middle of the 3 rd century as well. Nor do the objects found in the tomb with a side-chamber, in the in- ll of which the tombstone had been discovered, contradict this date. Unfortunately the burial had been plundered. All that had survived in it were remains of a wooden cof n, fastened together with iron nails, a few human bones and small pieces of two glass balsam-jars with a high narrow neck, broadening out towards the 16 IOSPE I 2 ; 234. 17 IOSPE I 2 ; 167. 18 Zubar, Krapivina 1999, 77.</p>
<p>206 V.M. ZUBAR AND Y.I. KOZUB bottom, and a semi-oval body, which to judge from parallel items date from the 2 nd or 3 rd century. 19 Returning to the tombstone, we need to draw attention to certain features of the way it has been fashioned. Beyond any doubt those who made it had planned that it should resemble the pediment of a temple supported on pilasters. At any rate, this presentation is in principle very similar to that found on the tombstones of sailor Aelius Maximus, 20 Marcus Maecilius, 21 Scribonius, 22 Aurelius Viator, 23 the soldier of the Cohors I Sugambrium from Tauric Chersonesos 24 and the cavalry-man from the Ala I Atectorigiana , Julius Valens from Balaklava 25 and also a whole range of similar monuments from the territory of the Roman Empire. 26 Despite the fact that the Olbian tombstone published here is simpler in design, its functional link with the type of funeral monuments indicated above is undeniable. Moreover, the tombstone of Aurelia Quirinia from Olbia 27 can also be classi ed as belonging to this type: the upper part of the latter tombstone was executed in the same way. All the above would appear to show that the tombstone under discussion could be dated to a more or less similar period. Both the soldiers mentioned in the epitaph had served in the Legio I Italica , the main head-quarters of which had been in Novae right up until the 6 th century. 28 This legion used to single out men to serve in garrisons in vexillationes stationed in the North Pontic region, 29 but in Olbia the presence of its soldiers prior to the nd of the epitaph published here, had only been mentioned on a single occasion in an inscription on a building dating from the late sixties or early seventies of the 2 nd century, which had been erected by a centurion of the Legio IX Claudia — who had been the commander of the Olbian vexillatio at the time in question. 30 A funerary stele erected by an armatura -soldier of the Legio IX Claudia , Galerius 19 Kozub 1986, 43, 46-47, g. 1, Type II, Group 1, Variant B. 20 Solomonik 1983, 46-47, No. 18. 21 Solomonik 1983, 60-61, No. 33. 22 Solomonik 1983, 63-64, No. 37. 23 Solomonik 1983, 67-68, No. 42. 24 Zubar, Son 2000, 39-47. 25 Zubar, Antonova, Savelya 1991, 102-108. 26 Gabelmann 1972, 69, 73-80. 27 IOSPE I 2 ; 235. 28 Absil 2000, 227-238. 29 For more detail see: Zubar 1994, 50-52, 63; Zubar 1998, 96-98. 30 Rostovtsev 1915, 7-10; IOSPE I 2 ; 322 I Sarnowski 1995, 325; Zubar, Son 1995: 181-187.</p>
<p>A NEW TOMBSTONE WITH A LATIN EPITAPH FROM OLBIA 207 Montanus, to his mother Galeria Montana and probably to his mistress Procula, dates from a slightly later period. 31 This allows us to conclude that at this time the Roman garrison at Olbia had most probably been formed on the basis of that unit of the Roman army. Thus the presence of an epitaph from a later period dedicated to a soldier of the Legio I Italica enables us to assume that certain changes had taken place in the composition of the Olbian vexillatio in the middle of the 3rd century. It is dif cult to say anything de nite about the reasons for this, but it is possible to put forward some suggestions. The fact is that in Tauric Chersonesos as well a change of army units is to be observed at the time in question, units which made up the core of the Roman garrison stationed in the city. This information can be gleaned from the inscription on a building dating from the year 250, which speaks of the restoration of the schola principalium , evidently on the territory of the Roman citadel of the city by Marcus Ratinus Saturninus, centurion of the Legio I Italica . 32 On the other hand we know of two inscriptions in Olbia dating from 248 and 249-250, 33 which are close in date to the building inscription of the centurion from the Legio I Italica in Tauric Chersonesos dating from the year 250. All these inscriptions testify to the intensi cation of Roman policy towards the cities of the North Pontic region. If the proposed date for the epitaph of Antonius Hermus is correct, then, on the basis of the data it provides together with the epitaph for Aelius and Aelia Saturnini, it can probably be linked with the presence of a Roman garrison in Olbia during the reign of the Roman Emperors Philippus Arabus (244-249) and Decius Traianus (249-251), whose policy in the Danube valley was directed against the barbarians there who had been rallying. The stationing at that time of even numerically small Roman garrisons in Olbia and Tauric Chersonesos, which had taken on the protection of the Greek population, made of those cities natural allies on the approaches to the frontiers of the Empire. This made it possible to some extent to stand up to the aggressive endeavours of the barbarians and this consideration had probably been an important element in the deliberate Roman policy towards the cities of the North Pontic region at the time. 34 Yet the Roman forces on this occasion were not stationed in Olbia and Tauric Chersonesos for long and would appear to have been transferred to 31 IOSPE I 2 ; 236. 32 Vinogradov, Zubar 1995/1996, 129-143; Vinogradov, Zubar, Antonova 1999, 71-80. 33 IOSPE I 2 , 167; Zubar, Krapivina 1999, 76-83. 34 See Zubar 1998, 131.</p>
<p>208 V.M. ZUBAR AND Y.I. KOZUB the places, where they were deployed on a permanent basis, no later than the reign of Emperor Trebonianus Gallus (251-253), after he had concluded a treaty with the Goths which was a disgrace for the Empire which the Goths had been threatening. 35 At any rate there are grounds for assuming that between the late fties and mid-sixties of the 3 rd century Olbia, like the agricultural settlements on the shores of the Bug estuary, was routed by barbarians and ceased to exist as a Greek city. 36 Thus, the epitaph published here is yet another important epigraphic source relating to the history of the nal stage of the existence of Classical Olbia. Mention in it of the soldiers of the Legio I Italica , who were serving there, allows us to conclude that despite the fairly tense situation in the Danube limes resulting from barbarian raids, right up until the middle of the 3 rd century the Empire had been providing direct military assistance not only to Tauric Chersonesos, but also to Olbia, where a detachment of Roman land forces was stationed. Yet its being stationed in the city was no longer enough to ensure fundamental changes in the military-political situation in the region and after the withdrawal of the Roman garrison Olbia entered the post-Classical stage of its development of a rather different kind from that associated with the period from the early-2 nd to the mid-3 rd century. BIBLIOGRAPHY Absil, M. 2000: Legio I Italica. In Y. Le Bohec (ed.), Les Légions de Rome sous le Haut-Empire (Lyon), 227-238. Bolgov, N.N. 2001: K probleme tipologii postantichnogo goroda v Severnom Prichernomor’e (Olvija, Tanais). In S.D. Kryzhickii et al . (eds.), Olvia ta antichnii svit — Materialy naukovykh chitan, prisvyashchenikh 75-rikhu utvorennya istoriko-arkheologichnogo zapovid- nika ”Olviya” NAN Ukraini (Kiev), 25-29. Calabi Lementani, I. 1968: Epigra a Latina (Milan). Gabelmann, H. 1973: Die Typen der römischen Grabstelen am Rhein. Bonner Jahrbücher 172, 65- 136. Gordon, A.E. 1948: Supralineate Abbreviations in Latin Inscriptions (Berkeley, Los Angeles). Holder, P.A. 1980: Studies in the Auxilia of the Roman Army from Augustus to Trajan (London). Huguet, P.B. 1958: Epigraa Latina (Barcelona). Kajanto, I. 1965: The Latin Cognomina (Helsinki). Knipovich, T.N. 1968: K voprosu o rimlyanakh v sostave naseleniya Olvii I-III vv. n.e. In V.F. Gaidukevich et al . (eds.), Antichnaya istoriya i kultura Sredizemnomor’ya i Pricher- nomorya (Moscow), 189-197. 35 For more detail, see Zubar, Krapivina 1999, 81. 36 Zubar 1998, 143-144; 2001, 132-135. Cf. Bolgov 2001, 25-28.</p>
<p>A NEW TOMBSTONE WITH A LATIN EPITAPH FROM OLBIA 209 Kozub, Yu.I. 1986: Steklyannye balzamarii iz nekropolya Olvii. In V.A. Anochin et al. (eds.), Antichnaya kultura Severnogo Prichernomorya v pervye veka n.e . (Kiev), 41-52. Kozub, Yu.I. 1994: Otchet o raskopkakh nekropolya i predmest’ya Olvii v 1994 g. NA IA NANU , File No. 1994/1, 1-24. Krapivina, V.V. 1993: Olviya. Materialnaya kultura I-IV vv. n.e . (Kiev). Mócsy, A., Feldmann, R., Marton, E., Szilágyi, M. 1983: Nomenclator provinciarum Europae Latinarum et Galliae Cisalpinae cum indice inverso. ( Dissertationes Pannonicae ser. III, 1) (Budapest). Rostovcev, M.I. 1915: Voennaya okkupaciya Olvii rimlyanamy. IAK 58, 1-16. Sandys, J.E. 1969: Latin Epigraphy (Groningen). Sarnowski, T. 1995: L’organisation hiérarchique des vexillationes Ponticae au miroir des trouvailles épigraphiques récentes. In Y. Le Bohec (ed.), La hiérarchie (Rangordnung) de l’armée romaine (Paris), 321-328. Solin, H. 1982: Die griechischen Personennamen in Rom. Ein Namenbuch , Vol. 1 (Berlin, New York). Solomonik, E.I. 1983: Latinskie nadpisi Khersonesa Tavricheskogo (Moscow). Speidel, M.P. 1985: Bithynian Gravestones of Roman Legionaries. Epigraphica Anatolica 5, 89-95. Vinogradov, Yu.G., Zubar, V.M. 1995/1996: Die Schola Principalium in Chersonesos. Il Mar Nero 2, 129-143. Vinogradov, Yu.G., Zubar, V.M., Antonova, I.A. 1999: Schola principalium v Khersonese. NE 16, 72-81. Zubar, V.M. 1994: Khersones Tavricheskiii Rimskaya Imperiya. Ocherki voenno-politicheskoyistorii (Kiev). Zubar, V.M. 1998: Severnyi Pont i Rimskaya imperiya (Kiev). Zubar, V.M. 2001: O zaklyuchitelnom etape istorii Olvii (tret’ya chetvert’ III-pervaya polovina IV v.). VDI , No. 1, 132-138. Zubar, V.M., Antonova, I.A., Savelya, O.Ya. 1991: Novyi latinskyi nadgrobok iz okolici Balaklavi. Arkheologiya , No. 3, 102-108. Zubar, V.M., Son, N.A. 1995: K interpretacii odnoi latinskoi nadpisi iz Olvii (IOSPE, I 2 , No. 322). VDI , No. 3, 181-187. Zubar, V.M., Krapivina, V.V. 1999: O rimskom garnizone Olvii v seredine III v. Vita Antiqua , No. 2, 76-83. Zubar, V.M., Son, N.A. 2000: Nadgrobie soldata I Sugambrskoy kogorty iz Khersonesa. VDI , No. 3, 39-47. Zuckerman, C. 1994/1995: Episkopy i garnizon Khersona v IV veke. MAIET 4, 545-560. Abbreviations CIL — Corpus inscriptionum latinarum (Berlin). IAK — Izvestiya Imperatorskoy Archeologocheskoykommisii (St. Petersburg). IOSPE, I 2 — V.V. Latyschev, Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini graecae et latinae (Petrograd 1916). MAIET — Materialy po arkheologii, istorii i etnogra i Tavrii (Simferopol).</p>
<p>210 V.M. ZUBAR AND Y.I. KOZUB NA IA NAN — Nauchnyi archiv Instituta arkheologii Nacional’noi Akademii nauk Ukrainy (Research Archive of the Institute of Archaeology, National Academy of Sciences of the Ukraine). NE — Numizmatika i epigra ka (Moscow). NO — Nadpisi Ol’vii (Leningrad 1968). Trudy GE — Trudy Gosudarstvennogo Ermitazha (St. Petersburg). VDI — Vestnik drevnei istorii (Moscow).</p>
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