The Pronunciation of 'Argentinean Standard Yiddish'
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- Zutot [ 1571-7283 ] ; 2001.
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DOI: 10.1163/187502101788691132
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<p>THE PRONUNCIATION OF 'ARGENTINEAN STANDARD YIDDISH" Modern Yiddish is usually divided into several subgroups: the Eastern European Yiddish dialects, divided at least into a Northern and a Southern variety, and the so-called 'Standard Yiddish' (= StY). I will not discuss in detail the problem of the standardization but I would like to point out that I plead for a differentiation into subgroups when talking about the phonetics of 'StY', for there are striking differences in pronun- ciation in the new Diaspora all over the world. Modern 'Standard' Yiddish Since the last century great efforts on standardizing modern Eastern Yiddish have been made, focussing on cross-dialectal vocabulary, grammar, and spelling enjoying a broad acceptance in the Yiddish- speaking community.2 Only the pronunciation still seems to be a bone of contention. 3 Despite the demographic dominance of Southern Yiddish speakers, the higher prestige of the Northern Jewish communities in Eastern Europe caused the 'literary pronunciation' - in which the vowel system resembles very much the Lithuanian Yiddish dialect - to override all others. Its use in such prestigious functions as the language of schools and public discussion contributed to the acceptance of this supra-regio- I This is an abstract of a paper given at the '3 rd Symposium for Yiddish Studies in Ger- many' (2000) in Yiddish: 'Argentiner Yidish un andere 'klal-yidishe' havores'. My investiga- tion of the phonetics of an Argentinean Standard Yiddish (AStY) as described in this short paper is still work in progress. My work on Argentinean Yiddish phonetics in general has barely begun. 2. For an overview of the history of StY, see lA. Fishman, ed., Never Say Die! A Thou- sand Years ofJewish Life and Letters. Contributions to the Sociology of Language, 30. The Hague etc. 1981. 3 The controversy discussion on StY is also reviewed in A. Kleine, 'Toward a "Standard Yiddish Pronunciation". An Instrumentally Aided Phonetic Analysis', in Monika S. Schmid e.a., eds, Historical Linguistics 1997: Selected Papers from the 13 th lnternational Confer- ence on Historical Linguistics, Duesseldorf, 10-17 August 1997, Amsterdam 1998, 202f. S. Berger, M. Brocke and 1. Zwiep (eds.), Zutot 2001,158-164.</p>
<p>THE PRONUNCIATION OF 'ARGENTINEAN STANDARD YIDDISH" nal variety already in Eastern Europe. 4 Moreover the training of teachers took place mainly in Lithuania where the initiative of a secular school system was born. Another instance that encouraged a northern oriented StY was the YIVO, the 'Institute for Jewish Research' in Vilna (1925- 1941), which had been the home of many standardizing efforts, where several conventions (e.g. spelling conventions like the Takones fun yjdjshn oysleyg of 1937) were fixed. In the pre-war Eastern European Yiddish speaking centers with a dense Jewish population it was not vital for the linguistic community to level local differences. But in the overseas exile communities, no dynamism may fix a local variety. No cohesive hinterland sustains any 'original' dialect of the 'alter heym'. Thus today StY can no longer be considered a 'hypothetical' construct. It has become reality in the overseas exile communities, where dialectal multiplicity and mixture are one factor which supports a standard and where StY is taught as a foreign language in academic programmes. Therefore my analysis is based on phonological descriptions drawn from widespread textbooks. 5 These rules allow me to distinguish speakers of the' klal-shprakh', the standard language, from those of dialectal varieties of the Eastern Yiddish language. Exile varieties of the so-called 'Standard Yiddish' Why focus on Argentinean Standard? There is no linguistic reason to favour the Argentinean variety over others, such as the US-Standard, the Australian, the South-African etc. But it is clear that it does not make sense to analyze for example the pronunciation of 'Standard English' using data from an educated CNN TV-speaker, his British counterpart at the BBC and their fellows in Sydney and Toronto. This is also clear for the varieties of 'Standard German' in Germany, Austria and German speaking Switzerland. The same holds true for the 'StY' varieties spread all over the world with important centres in the USA, Canada, Australia, 4 See]. Mark, 'Vegn a klasishn aroysreyd' (On the standard pronounciation of Yiddish), Yidishe sprakh ILl (1951) 7ff. 5 U. Weinreich, College Yiddish. An Introduction to the Yiddish Language and to Jewish Life and Culture. With a preface by Roman Jakobson, 6 th Printing, 4 th revised edition, New York 1965; id. Modern English-Yiddish, Yiddish-English Dictionary, New York 1968; D. Katz, Grammar of the Yiddish Language, London 1987. 159</p>
<p>ZUTOT 2.001 - YIDDISH South-Africa, Israel, France, and Latin America. And since no modern 6 phonetic description of Eastern European dialects or of any StY variety exists, there is a free choice. Thus, for personal reasons I chose the Argen- tinean Standard. Argentina Even though the Ashkenazic settlement in Argentina is a relatively modern phenomenon, Argentina should not be neglected when talking about the Yiddish language. Only at the eve of the 20 th century large- scale Jewish immigration to Argentina began. Especially the Baron Hirsch colonization gave way to an almost entirely Ashkenazic society with a Yiddish-speaking network of cultural, political, social, and educa- tional organizations. Among them especially the Yiddish secular schools played an important role for the care of the language. The economic crisis in the 1930S and, in response to it, the rural exodus to the cities in general, led to the decline of the agricultural colonies and to an internal migration from the provincial towns to Buenos Aires. After 1933 large migratory waves from Nazi-occupied Europe reached the capital as well. Through all these years Argentina had become one of the most important countries for Jewish immigration. In Buenos Aires at that time Yiddish was the language of everyday life in Jewish neighbourhoods like Villa Crespo, 'Once' (Balvanera), or Flores, as well as the language of culture, with various newspapers circulating, several theaters and printing houses. Nearly all of the more than 50 Jewish schools taught Yiddish, some were run in Yiddish only'? The Jewish social life was built mainly around the Yiddish language, prolonging the Eastern European culture tradition - with Moisesville being called 'Yerusholayim fun Argentine' 6 I do not mean to deny that before the war scholars such as Prilutski, Tshemerinski, Borokhov, Gurman and others have worked on Yiddish phonetics; however, I would argue that their approach is phonological rather than phonetic in the modern sense. By 'modern' I mean phonetic descriptions which use instrumentally aided (acoustic) analysis. As far as I know there is only one such publication by A. Elkischek, Graphische Untersuchungen der Jiddischen Sprache, Diss. Wien r929, using a kymograph'to describe airflow and lung-ac- tivity when speaking 'Courland Yiddish'. 7 M. Meyer-Lazar, Dos yidishe shulvezn in Argentine (l-ter band: geshikhtlekher iberblik biz 1946), Buenos Aires 1948, gives an overview over the discussions on language and culture in the school-system; see also E. Zadoff, Historia de la educacion judia en Bue- nos Aires (1935-57), Buenos Aires 1994. 160</p>
<p>THE PRONUNCIATION OF 'ARGENTINEAN STANDARD YIDDISH" (Argentina's Jerusalem) and Buenos Aires being 'kleyn Varshe' (little Warsaw). By contrast, activities in Hebrew were fairly rare (nowadays the situation has reversed). Later the foundation of the state of Israel, years of military govern- ment in Argentina and recent anti-semitic attacks on the Jewish community in 1992 and 1994 - to name but a few reasons -made people leave the country and led to a certain decline of the Jewish population in Argentina. As in other countries, the assimilation to the 'new' home country and its language persists in Argentina, hence the fading popu- larity of Yiddish nowadays, especially among the younger generation. 8 In the remainder of this paper I will focus on two aspects. 1 When talking about Yiddish, the Jewish community of Argentina should not be overlooked, despite its geographical distance from Eastern Europe, which does not correspond to the mental affinity to the former environment. 2 Special programs for the care and the spread of the Yiddish language (including schools and seminars for Yiddish teachers) contributed to the spread of an over-regional language among many of the Argen- tinean Yiddish speakers. A specific variety of non-dialectally marked 'received pronunciation' developed. Corresponding to all common descriptions it can be referred to as 'StY Pronunciation? defined as an academic, intellectual way of speaking Yiddish and as a standard 'high' language, which has been broadly accepted and is taught in schools and at universities. 8 For detailed information on the Jewish settlement in Argentina check R. Feierstein, Histaria de los Judias argentinas, Planeta 1993. 9 This does neither mean that all Argentinean Yiddish speakers are 'perfect' speakers of StY nor that representatives of the 'original' Eastern European Yiddish dialects might not live in Argentina; of course they do and luckily they still do speak their Lithuanian, Bessarabian or Volhynian dialect! And in the same way as the pronunciations of speakers from one and the same origin differ in articulation for various reasons, Argentinean Yiddish speakers differ in articulation. Intra-individual and inter-individual variance may be ob- served. But as long as we do not know about the shape of StY (phonetically speaking), the phonological rules allow for a wide range within 'klal-yidish'. My focus is on the AStY, though there is much more to be said about the Yiddish language in Argentina today. 161</p>
<p>ZUTOT 2001 - YIDDISH Examples There are two reasons why the Argentinean Yiddish - like any other variety of that language in exile - has raised its own specific sound system. The first is the uncontrolled influence of the coterritorial language, the Spanish of Argentina (Buenos Aires), with which every new immigrant and bilingual speaker is confronted - first new lexical items penetrate the language, later the phoneme system is influenced by the articulatory patterns of the surroundings. The other weighty factor contributing to the development of AStY has been the elaborate Yiddish- speaking school system. Whereas the inherited Eastern European dialects (or already a mixture of those) were spoken at home, at school the children were taught a 'literary Yiddish', the 'klal-yidish'. This led to a remarkable uniformity of the Yiddish language spoken amongst the 'second generation' who received a Jewish institutional education. Nowadays the former pupils of the famous 'lerer-seminar' (seminar for teachers) are teachers of the Yiddish language, radio speakers or other multipliers of an AStY that does not violate the written description of the 'proper pronunciation', but is earmarked by specific patterns that testify to its speakers' origin. The data for this analysis were collected from recordings of native speakers in their fifties, who were born in Argentina and (in addition to the obligatory public school where lessons were held in Spanish) went through the Jewish educational system where they had lessons in and on Yiddish. All of them are professional speakers of Yiddish today (such as teachers, radio speakers, authors). I will start with some examples of the Argentinean Yiddish sound system, which can easily be traced back to an influence of the Spanish language spoken in Argentina. 1 The weak 10 realization of the glottal aspirant [h] at the beginning of h h h . an utterance. We hear [mnt], [arg3n3n], [u,\J3n] (= haynt, hargenen, hulyen) etc. 10 In Argentina, many speakers who intend to speak the Standard variety of Yiddish do not pronounce the initial [hi at all- this is obviously due to Argentinean Spanish influence where the initial [h] is mute. In this respect these speakers fall short of the definition of StY as adduced by the textbooks. 162</p>
<p>THE PRONUNCIATION OF 'ARGENTINEAN STANDARD YIDDISH" 2 The palatalization of the uvular fricative [x] to a position somewhat nearer to [~], usually unknown in the Yiddish language: [ZIX'], [J:llX'3t], [x'Dpnm] etc. that could also appear as: [zW'], [J~I\('3t], [~'Dpnm] (= zikh, shoykhet, khropen). 3 The distribution of [r]-varieties, according to the context and following the rules of the Spanish language. Because the [r] seems to be one of the most prominent features in Argentinean Yiddish I would like to go a bit more into detail here. It is well-known that in Yiddish there are two different ways to articulate the Irl: either uvular [R] or apical [r]." Both Ir/-realizations are allophones in StY according to speakers' preferences and therefore are accepted as Standard. In Argentina, however, a clear preference for the apical [r] can be stated. 12 In this case the influence of Argentinean Spanish did not only lead to a predisposition for the familiar articulatory pattern. Addi- tionally, the rules for the intensity of this liquid were copied. From my instrumentally aided acoustic analysis I was able to deduce the following rules: (a) Ir/ at the end of a word, in the middle of a syllable and after plosives (.... ) is pronounced short or 'single'; (b) Irl in initial position and at the beginning of a syllable, if the syllable before ends in a consonant, is pronounced long or 'double'. Thereby it follows exactly the pattern of Argentinean Spanish. The following example does not seem to be due to Spanish influence but rather appears to be a result of the Argentinean Yiddish-speaking school system. I have chosen the most prominent example: the strictly 'ortografisher aroysreyd' (literal pronunciation) which is favoured over the other widespread variety of Yiddish, the so-called 'literarisher aroysreyd' (literary pronunciation). Both pronunciations are closely related. Differences are restricted to particular words with the 'literary pronunciation' differing from the usual realization of the orthographic form, whereas the 'literal pronunciation' adheres strictly to the written II In LCAA], map 68 shows the distribution of both variants in Eastern Europe. n At least this is true for the 'second generation', whereas amongst the immigrants there are some representatives of the uvular [r].</p>
<p>ZUTOT 2001 - YIDDISH form. '3 Nevertheless Argentina seems to have developed its own tradition and with its many teachers working internationally, this tradition is having an increasing impact all over the world. There are many more examples for this development than could be provided in this paper, and I hope to offer a broader spectrum in the near future. Ane Kleine University of Trier '3 For example: the preposition 'oyf-' may either be pronounced as foyf-f (i.e. literal pro- nunciation) or faU (i.e. literary pronunciation), analogous the con-verb 'oy(-'fuf-f or foyf-f, the prepositions 'bay' and 'keyn' fbal or fbay/, /kin! or /keyn! etc.; d. D. Katz, Tikney takones. Fragn fun a yidisher stilistik, Oxford 1993, 50.</p>
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