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Applied Developmental Psychology: Tasks, Problems, Perspectives

Identifieur interne : 000535 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000534; suivant : 000536

Applied Developmental Psychology: Tasks, Problems, Perspectives

Auteurs : Leo Montada

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:F7986B4CE32A47EEFEB38CDD951604E8BAB845AD

Abstract

In order to consider possible contributions of developmental psychology to the analysis and solution of practical problems a model of practical action is proposed comprising the following six steps or questions: (1) What is the phenomenon or the problem we have to deal with? (2) How did the phenomenon or problem come into existence? (3) What will be the outcome of further development if no action is taken to change the phenomenon or outcome. (4) What are possible goals for intervention? (5) How can the goals be achieved? (6) What is the outcome in terms of evaluation of prognosis, intervention or counselling? Within the framework of these six steps or questions available scientific knowledge as well as relevant methodological problems are discussed. Moreover, the relationships and differences between theory, basic research, applied research and practical application are analyzed, namely the problem of equivalence of concepts and measures, the problem of deduction of technologies from theory, the problem of falsification of theory by failures in its practical application and the problem of discrepancies in metatheoretical correspondence. The article closes with some recommendations concerning developmental research in relation to applications.

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DOI: 10.1177/016502548400700302

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ISTEX:F7986B4CE32A47EEFEB38CDD951604E8BAB845AD

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<meta-value> International Journal of Behavioral Development 7 (1984) 267-286 267 North-Holland APPLIED DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: TASKS, PROBLEMS, PERSPECTIVES Leo MONTADA * Universitat Trier, FRG Accepted February 1984 In order to consider possible contributions of developmental psychology to the analysis and solution of practical problems a model of practical action is proposed comprising the following six steps or questions: (1) What is the phenomenon or the problem we have to deal with? (2) How did the phenomenon or problem come into existence? (3) What will be the outcome of further development if no action is taken to change the phenomenon or outcome. (4) What are possible goals for intervention? (5) How can the goals be achieved? (6) What is the outcome in terms of evaluation of prognosis, intervention or counselling? Within the framework of these six steps or questions available scientific knowledge as well as relevant methodological problems are discussed. Moreover, the relationships and differences between theory, basic research, applied research and practical application are analyzed, namely the problem of equivalence of concepts and measures, the problem of deduction of technologies from theory, the problem of falsification of theory by failures in its practical application and the problem of discrepancies in metatheoretical correspon- dence. The article closes with some recommendations concerning developmental research in relation to applications. The concept of applied developmental psychology has appeared more and more often in recent years. We now find books and chapters, journals and other periodicals referring to this topic (i.e. Hetzer et al. 1979; Graser and Reinert 1980; Oerter et al. 1982; Silbereisen and Montada 1983; Hartup 1983; and Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology). Are we dealing with old wine in new bottles or, rather, with a new approach which genuinely offers us a new orientation, a new body of knowledge, and new tasks for research? In fact, there have been numerous attempts to establish inventories of research data for various fields of application, where classificatory * Author's address: L. Montada, Fachbereich I, Psychologie, Universitat Trier, Schneidershof, 5500 Trier, FRG. 0165-0254/84/$3.00 © 1984, Elsevier Science Publishers B.V. (North-Holland) 268 L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology approaches, epidemiological data, the testing instruments, knowledge of developmental conditions, possibilities of prognosis, intervention proce- dures and evaluations are gathered, where gaps in research are unveiled, and where methodological suggestions may be deduced (good examples are found in the series Life-span development and behavior edited by Baltes and Brim 1978-83). The German psychology editions by Filipp, Kritische Lebensereig- nisse, and by Brandtstadter and von Eye, Psychologische Pravention, are offered here as models, since aside from inventories of available knowl- edge in several fields, methodological problems are discussed on the level of basic strategical decisions as well as on the technical level (Filipp 1981; Brandstadter and von Eye 1982). The subject areas cover clinical syndromes (schizophrenia, psycho- somatic disorders, neurosis, Down's syndrome, heart attack, cancer); various critical life events (mother-child-separation, ill-treatment of a child, loss of a reference person or social roles, divorce); preschool training, learning difficulties, school drop-out, delinquency, drug abuse and so forth. These inventories have to be further differentiated and continuously updated. In the recently launched periodical Advances in Applied Devel- opmental Psychology (Morrison et al. 1983) this is elaborated further. To begin with we must recall that the practical application of developmental psychology is nothing new. Many times developmental psychologists have been advocates for innovations. Consider Binet and the prediction of school success; Freud and his impact on socialization within the family, together with Spitz; Bowlby, and reforms in orphanages and children's clinics; and Hunt, or Bloom and their impact on compensatory education. However, the failures have to be remembered too; the many scien- tific culs-de sac, that may be best interpreted as the result of premature decisions. Remember maturation theories and their impact on educa- tion which now are viewed rather skeptically or Bloom's theory of a critical period in the development of intelligence which was not suffi- ciently founded so that the decision to target a specific age group for compensatory education was perhaps premature (Hunt 1979). Things are probably not any better in regard to implications and suggestions drawn from recent developmental research. For example, should individuals be prepared for normative life crises (Filipp and Graser 1982) before we know if there are side-effects hindering them to L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology 269 cope with non-normative events? Should the attempt be made to train fluid intelligence in elderly adults because this has been proven to be possible (Blieszner et al. 1982) or should we wait until we know what fluid intelligence in advanced age represents, and whether training not only improves test achievement but competence in daily life as well? Is it desirable to promote achievement motivation (a review is given by Heckhausen 1980) before knowing what effects such cultivation could have on the development of other motivational systems? We are thus faced with general questions such as the following: Do we have valid knowledge at all useful for practical purposes? Do we have sufficient knowledge? What type of research results are necessary to provide solutions for which practical problems? How should devel- opmental research be organized and designed so that the results provide well founded bases for practical application? How should the relation- ship between theory, research, and practical application be seen from the viewpoint of scientific theory? Are the possible applications of results restricted by the metatheoretic model of man underlying the research paradigm? As can be seen none of these questions is easy to answer. Before discussing this matter further, allow me a parenthesis on my conception of the subject matter of developmental psychology. I welcome the liberalization of the concept "development" which was mainly fur- thered by the life-span approach (Baltes 1979) which demands that the term development is not to be restricted to universal, irreversible, unidirectional processes of change. Instead, developmental psychology is defined in terms of a limited number of questions and methodologies that are applicable to a wide range of psychological topics, for instance: - Is change dependent on age or age-related variables? - Is early prediction of behaviour and personality development possi- ble? - What short-term and long-term results may be expected from certain life events or interventions? What type of interaction is known to take place between personal, environmental, and critical life event variables? - Are there sequences or interactions in the developmental patterns of different functions such as between cognition and motivation or social cognition and morality? 270 L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology In my opinion, developmental psychology is best characterized and gains its real importance from questions like these, applicable to any subject matter. Applied developmental psychology gains importance from the introduction, or "export", of such questions to other fields of research such as clinical psychology, educational psychology, forensic psychology, etc. As long as we apply developmental perspectives and methodologies solely to research, we remain more or less on safe territory. Let us now examine the difficulties encountered in applying the results of develop- mental research to practical problems. 1. Plan for application of developmentally oriented research Let us begin by asking the question of what type of practical task requires developmental research. In order to answer this question we need a model which allows us to identify different types of problems. I would like to propose a general model of psychological action; a model for approaching the analysis and solution of practical problems, which allows us to differentiate the following six questions or steps char- acterizing a plan for application and for the retrieval of relevant scientific information (Montada 1983a): (1) What is the phenomenon or the problem we have to deal with? We need a description and a conceptual classification of the phenome- non. Together with the answers to the next two questions, this constitutes what is usually known as diagnosis. (2) How did the phenomenon or problem come into existence? Here, we are dealing with a reconstruction of how the phenomenon came about. For many of us this is identical with the search for a causal explanation of the phenomenon. As we shall see, however, this question may be understood in a number of different ways. (3) What will be the outcome of further development if no action is taken to change the phenomenon or the problem? This question pertains to prognosis. (4) What is the desirable development or outcome? This question centres on goal setting. (5) How can the goal be achieved? This question specifies the approach to be taken in order to arrive at the desired goal; it also includes the L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology 271 planning of any necessary interventions or counselling with all the attendant problems. (6) What is the outcome? This question deals with the problem of evaluating the prognosis, the intervention, or the counselling. Each of these six steps needs to be examined more closely for possible contributions of developmental research. 1.1. What is the phenomenon or the problem? We have to conceptualize the phenomenon or problem under consider- ation. Try to visualize a child fighting with his siblings or an adolescent who is on the verge of dropping out of school. What's happening here? Without concepts to help us organize and make sense out of this we don't understand what is going on, nor are we able to explain it, or to utilize scientific knowledge for further analyses. The situation is complicated by the fact that there are numerous concepts to choose from to describe the same event. Aside from the question, which of these concepts is adequate in the specific case, only the selection of those concepts which already fit into a greater empirical scheme will in principle be useful. That is, we may conceptualize the fighting child as "hostile". The concept of "hostile", however, is not very helpful unless it has "surplus-meaning". Surplus meaning is given when the concept is a component of empirical rules or theoretical hypotheses, i.e.: - personality dispositions as generalized hostility, as low empathy, as prejudice towards certain people, etc.; - developmental conditions as genetic make-up, as experienced punitiveness, etc.; - actual instigations to action as perception of an impending threat, as frustration or provocation, etc.; - developmental outcomes as delinquency, etc.; - social outcomes as social isolation, etc.; - possibilities of intervention as threat of punishment or training of self-control towards anger, etc. Only then the description of a certain behaviour with the concept of "hostile" does become diagnostically relevant. 272 L Montada / Applied developmental psychology How can developmental research be of help to us in this first step of practical work? What concepts does it offer for conceptualizing phe- nomena or problems? Traditionally, developmental psychology provides us with age norms and allows us to judge whether behaviour is typical, accelerated, or retarded. Moreover, it contributes a lot of the above mentioned surplus meaning which is relevant to explanation, prediction, goal-setting, intervention, and evaluation as discussed in the following sections. 1.2. How did the phenomenon come into existence? This question can be answered in many different ways depending on the model of explanation chosen. (a) We may look at the actual precipitating circumstances for the behaviour, such as is done, for instance, in behaviour analysis on the basis of the S-R model. (b) We may look for the underlying personal traits, or (c) we may look for interactions between person and situation which is the approach of modern personality theory. (d) We may use a model of action to understand the sense of the phenomenon or problem with regard to the person's reason for hostile behaviour and goals. We examine barriers and means available for realizing those goals. We may look at the person's expectation and evaluation of the outcomes. We may also look for discrepancies between different goals, between goals and means, between goals and demands, and so on (Lohmann 1982). Not all of these models of explanation necessarily require develop- mentally oriented knowledge. It is only when a reconstruction of the formation or stabilization of person variables (i.e. competences, coping styles, motives, attitudes, interests, components of self-image, etc.) is essential for understanding or explaining the phenomenon that devel- opmental research data and theories become indispensable. What are the specific contributions of developmental psychology to the explanation of person variables? (1) Looking for antecedents, developmental psychology extends the timescale under consideration in order to identify distal conditions, i.e. long-term effects of conditions are analyzed. Fortunately, the number of long-term longitudinal studies is growing (Mednick et al. 1981), thus raising the chances of identifying distal conditions. L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology 273 (2) The developmental perspective focusses on interactions between developmental antecedents and the individual's developmental state (often indexed by the age). The level of development as a condition for further change is implied in particular in the concepts of sensitive periods or the concept of readiness for learning. The effects of conditions of change as well as their effectiveness are considered functions of the developmental level. Any age related change in correlations between antecedent and consequent variables is relevant. The fact remains though that much of our "knowledge" of develop- mental conditions does not stem from sophisticated longitudinal re- search and, in consequence, is of questionable value. In particular - as stated repeatedly (i.e. Baltes et al. 1977) - classical correlational studies of interindividual differences (Cattell's type R correlation) are suited only to generate rather than to test developmental causal hypotheses because change is not considered at all. However, the methodological advances are impressive, making causal analyses of data from descriptive studies possible. With the introduc- tion of "path-analysis" (Brandtstadter and Bernitzke 1976) our hopes are now concentrated on structural models for latent variables (Rogosa 1979, Bentler 1980). Concerning the identification of antecedent-consequent relation- ships, longitudinal studies are needed. The data may be processed by cross-lagged panel analyses, and more sophisticated time-series-analyses which offer alternatives to intervention research (Petermann 1982). Despite these methodological advances, intervention research is still needed, since this type of research tests the feasibility of controlling developmental antecendents. However, intervention research should be more often done in ecological settings. There is a widespread tendency to "simulate" development in the laboratory, but the ecological validity of the simulated variables is open to question and seldom it is estab- lished. Recall Bronfenbrenner's carricature of developmental psychol- ogy as "the science of the strange behaviour of children in strange situations with strange adults for the briefest possible periods of time" (Bronfenbrenner 1977: 513). The importance of ecological validity has been particularly em- phasized by authors advocating a contextualistic or dialectic (Riegel 1976, 1977) perspective of human development. Hultsch and Hickey 274 L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology (1978) as well as Lerner et al. (1980) claim ecological validity as one of the major requirements of developmental research. Intricate interac- tions between the human organism and complex and continually chang- ing environments can hardly be simulated adequately in the laboratory. Experimental studies in the laboratory may be valuable in gaining insights into the complex texture of variables in real life situations. They are also useful in exploring ways to optimize development in terms of designing ideal environments. Yet, they must be comple- mented by ecological experiments as well as descriptive analyses of changes in socio-ecological environments (Montada and Schmitt 1982). Snow (1974) advocates the reverse strategy: Begin with an evaluation of complex programmes, thereafter try to identify the necessary compo- nents and their interactions. Subsequently, it may be the case that some of these must be studied in the laboratory. 1.3. What will be the outcome? Prediction over long time spans is one of the most important concerns of developmental psychology. However, the arsenal of useful develop- mental predictors is less than impressive, when compared with the staggering problems of prediction in general. What makes developmen- tal prediction so difficult? A brief look at the type of information currently available will help us gain insight into this problem. Long-term descriptive studies on such variables as intelligence, behaviour prob- lems, personality disorders, as well as some personality characteristics, allow some rather general conclusions. Some examples: - Hardly any variable, with the exception of pathological ones, mea- sured during the first two years of life, correlates highly with any- thing later on in life. - Beginning with school entrance, cognitive variables are relatively stable up to maturity in comparison with most personality variables. - The accumulation of risk factors is especially dangerous at any time during the course of life. - In general, the effects of training fade as a function of time since training . - Spontaneous remission of personality disorders is more likely than spontaneous remission of behaviour disorders, at least during child- hood and adolescence. L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology 275 However, with regard to most practical problems, more specific devel- opmental predictions would be of greater importance: - With regard to spontaneous remission, it would be useful to know in which cases personality disorders do not disappear spontaneously and in which cases behaviour problems do. - Despite accumulations of risk factors, there are individuals without maladaptive symptoms. Who are they? What are the protective or immunizing factors? - For some trainees, training has long lasting effects, for others it does not. Can we predict the differential effects? In short: There must be interaction effects. If these were known, prediction would be more accurate. As Brim (personal communication) put it: We should have information on the "off-diagonals". I would like to just touch on some methodological problems which - I feel - are not sufficiently acknowledged in applied work. - Until today, practitioners have used developmental predictors stem- ming from retrospective studies based on unrepresentative samples. An example is, establishing the " broken home" as a risk factor based on a sample of maladjusted children rather than on a representative sample of children from broken homes (Kohlberg et al. 1972). - There are other poor sampling procedures leading to overestimation of accuracy of predictors, e.g. establishing predictors for delinquency on equal sized samples of delinquents and nondelinquents when such a 50: 50% ratio is not representative of the total population, where the ratio of delinquents and nondelinquents may be 20: 80%. It is self-evident that the number of false positives would be underesti- mated given such sampling techniques (Brandtstadter 1982). - Offering lengthy lists of predictors (e.g. there are studies with over 200 predictors for juvenile delinquency) is not very helpful without clarification of the relationships between them (correlated or not, interacting or not) or of their theoretical status (which ones are antecedent, which ones are consequent, which ones are causal, or which are mere indicator variables). The statistical tools for such clarification exist. A last remark: Prediction is not a "once in a lifetime" affair. Within the framework of an interactional, dialectical model the assumption is 276 L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology made that with changing person-environmental interactions the course of development will change too. Prediction therefore must be updated. At any time in the course of life, new predictors may have to be taken into account, former predictors may lose their weight. 1.4. What is the desired outcome? The task of goal decisions The statement that empirical sciences offer only technical assistance or the means for solving problems is inaccurate in this general formulation and at least worthy of further differentiation (Brandtstadter and Montada 1980). What special help is developmental psychology able to offer? It may bridge the gap between "Sein" and "Sollen" (between "Is" and "Ought"). Albert (1968) formulated some bridging principles. The first one is: "Ought" implies "Can". Empirical science helps establish what we can do. Jensen (1969) asked "How far can we boost IQ and scholastic achievement?" If we agree with Jensen, we have to concede: not far, at least for people above a threshold level of environmental instigation. Another example of how developmental psychology bridges the gap between "Is" and "Ought" may be seen in the basic principle of rational action, namely the evaluation of goals on the basis of the outcome that the attempt to achieve them will have (Brandtstadter 1980a). (An example may be premature parental demands with result- ing negative effects.) Empirical research contributes in yet another way to the process of goal setting, simply by providing new, previously unknown facts. Such factors call for decision making where, previously, no decision was necessary. If one does not know that children may begin reading at the age of 3 or 4, there is no reason to make a decision whether or not this should be done. If one does not know that fluid intelligence in old age may be trained; that a drop in intelligence is not inevitable or that there are immunizing factors against depression, then it is not necessary to concern oneself with making decisions in regard to goal setting in these areas. In this respect, research results, in principle, have "innovative power" (Montada 1981). There is no doubt: Deriving goals from empirically validated hy- potheses or facts requires the setting of goals. Only if we decide to set, L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology 277 e.g. moral autonomy as a goal, we can use empirical knowledge to choose subgoals that might lead to moral autonomy (Brandtstadter 1980a). However, goal setting is always provisional in nature. Striving for a goal or reaching a goal always has further consequences, making it possible to evaluate the goal rationally by considering these. Only if the expected outcomes are found to be good, is the goal rationally justified. In addition, there are "bridges" in use which are deontologically not convincing. Classical developmental psychology offers a lot of material goals. Developmental phases with built-in "natural" maturity levels suggest "natural" goals, i.e. moral autonomy (Piaget), post-conven- tional morality (Kohlberg), operational thinking (Piaget), acceptance of the principle of reality (Freud), self-actualization (Maslow), etc. 1.5. How can the goal be achieved? What are the specific contributions of developmental psychology to the realization of goals? Let us begin by saying that much of the present knowledge regarding intervention did not stem from developmental research. Major psychological contributions came from such disciplines as social psychology, educational research, different areas of learning psychology, therapy research, etc. In order to discover the particular value of the developmental perspective on this topic, the question must be stated in a more differentiated way, i.e. (1) Where should we start if we want to reach a goal - with the client, his social surroundings or with institutions? At what point during the lifespan is which approach the most promising? (2) Which antecedent conditions of an imminent developmental prob- lem are decisive? (3) At which life period are we able to determine which high risk groups are suitable for a preventive programme? (4) Which developmental prerequisites should be considered as essen- tial for which measures? (5) What is the correct sequence of steps to follow in goal attainment? I would now like to comment briefly on some of these questions. 278 L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology The developmental perspective is one which sees change as age-re- lated and influenced by multiple factors. What social conditions, for instance, produce which changes in what classes of people at which periods of life? We must further determine whether the conditions of change are stable over a life-time, whether they remain influential with the same weight or if we have cases of explanatory discontinuity (Baltes and Schaie 1973). It is essential to differentiate between conditions of instigation of a change and those stabilizing that change. Decisions regarding the optimal time for intervention are also to be based on relevant developmental research data (i.e. readiness for learn- ing, sensitive periods, etc.). As an example of developmental prere- quisites for therapy, consider self-control programmes for children of different intelligence ages. Braun and Tittelbach (1978) attempted to use developmental knowledge for therapeutic decisions. Self-control therapy (Goldfried and Goldfried 1977), which attempts to teach clients complex problem-solving techniques, is probably based on the stage of formal operations. The decision between corrective and preventative measures can also be seen from the standpoint of optimal time for intervention. To circumscribe a target group for preventive intervention, the process must begin with questions about the age at which predictors of malad- justment are available (e.g. troublesomeness in primary school is a reasonably good predictor of juvenile delinquency). If among the predictors there are causal factors, either personal or environmental ones, these would be a possible target for preventive measures (Brandtstadter 1982). Not only target variables for intervention but also the sequence of measures to be applied may be suggested by developmental research and theory. Here, we need only consider developmental tests, descrip- tions of different developmental stages and their sequential order. Many intervention programmes are modelled along the lines of devel- opmental stages and developmental tests: language programmes, cogni- tive programmes, moral education programmes, etc. Within this context, one more comment with regard to the type of developmental research needed seems important. Process research, whether descriptive or manipulative, that allows more detailed analyses of the interactions between subjects and their environments is definitely needed. Global analysis leads to initial assumptions regarding possible outcomes of intervention, but provides no help with regard to the L. Montada /Applied developmental psychology 279 precise operational information that is necessary for the implementa- tion of measures. An example of this is the attempt of Hellgard Rauh (1983) to use the stage sequences in sensorimotor development to construct a programme for children with Down's syndrome. 1.6 Were goals achieved? The task of evaluation of prognosis and inter- vention I have only three comments with regard to this topic. First, the differentiation between short-term and long-term outcomes demon- strates the importance of the time dimension in follow-up studies. Second, is the value of taking developmental functions as criteria variables, first alluded to, perhaps, by Wohlwill (1973). His assumption: As process variables developmental functions make long-term follow-up studies unnecessary. Aside from the fact that only a few developmental functions have been adequately researched, their use as criterion varia- bles may imply some problems. Take intelligence as an example. Do the usual stability coefficients apply for persons who have participated in a short-term training programme to the same degree as for those persons who have received no additional training? Unexpected reductions in IQ after the end of the traning make this problem quite evident. Maybe we have to assume differential growth functions for trained and for un- trained children. Third, the selection of evaluation criteria is intimately connected with the preferred developmental theory. From the stand- point of a static concept of intelligence, such losses after the end of a training lead to the conclusion that the advances made during training are artefacts (i.e. results of test effect or a consequence of direct training on test items). From an interactionistic point of view, which sees performance as the result of continuing interaction between per- sons and their environment, both the gains and subsequent losses will be interpreted as genuine, as results of successively enriched and impoverished developmental environments (Horowitz 1980). Piagetian- type tasks and training provide another example. Based on his concept of total structures ("structures d'ensemble"), Piaget placed very high demands on the criteria of success for studies on the effectiveness of training: stability of gains and generalization to new tasks belonging to the total structure (Kuhn 1974). The dispute concerning criteria for evaluation reflects the differences in the underlying developmental theories. 280 L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology 2. Basic considerations on the relationship between research, theory and practical application After having differentiated various types of tasks and relevant research data and theories I would now like to review some of the differences between basic or pure science, applied science, and practical applica- tion. Bunge (1967: 27), stated that the central goal of basic research is the increase in knowledge of facts whereas the goal of applied research is the increase in control over these facts. Varela (1975) points to a difference between an analytical and a synthetical approach. Basic science, so he says, tries to analyze, to isolate variables; technology demands the synthesis of these variables. Moscovici (1972) followed the same path in saying that the practitioner needs a "collage" of theories, not just a single one. For the practitioner the world is a bazaar of theories, whereas basic research is concerned with one theory at one time. I agree with Varela: Confounding of variables is poison for theory testing research. For the practitioner confounding of variables is not a serious problem as long as the practical goal is reached. The sentence "nothing is as practical as a good theory", is attributed to Lewin. The theory of science, however, stresses caution. I would like to focus on three of the key words within this discussion and I would like to add a fourth point. (1) The problem of equivalence. Theoretical concepts must be opera- tionally defined. This is true whether we are dealing with scientific research or with the application of concepts to practical problems. It is not clear whether or not a priori different operational descriptions of the same concept mean the same thing. The answer to this question does not entail just an analysis of content but an empirical analysis as well. Kaminski (1970) calls this the problem of equivalence, pointing to the difficulties inherently involved in transferring concepts from one context to another and in using different operationalizations. Two examples are, the transfer of methods and procedures from an experi- mental context to a practical context and the transfer of concepts operationalized by tests to operationalizations in an interview. A practitioner who is confronted with a hostile child may be in doubt as to whether his definition of hostility means the same as that used in experiment X or in the longitudinal study Y or in the therapy L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology 281 study Z. In this respect, it would be important for the practitioner to know whether certain theoretical relationships were repeatedly vali- dated, whether various studies were exact replications, or represented variations in procedure, in experimental variables, in measurements, or in settings. If a theoretical relationship remains robust in the face of such variations, the problem of equivalence is mitigated. (2) The problem of deduction. It may be considered a fact that tech- nology and programmes of action cannot be deduced logically from theories. Why not? Theories are only valid under certain specific "ideal" conditions that may not be present in a specific real life setting (Bunge 1967). Bunge therefore introduced a metarule which states that the relationships maintained in the theory must first be tried out on practical problems. If we have a certain law of the type "p leads to q" then one has to try out "q over p", then 7q over 7p. In other words, we are not dealing with a logical deduction from theory, but rather with ideas inspired by theory. We say: a theory is primarily of heuristic value. (3) The problem of falsification. It follows from the above that a theory may not be falsified by failures encountered in its practical application. Brandtstddter (1980b) recently compiled arguments for this proposition. If a programme related to a certain theory proves to be ineffective, several explanations could be offered. The underlying the- ory might indeed be false but there are alternatives: The theory might be inadequate for the problem in question, the programme may be poorly designed, the implementation of the programme or even the evaluation procedures might be questionable. We would be jumping to questionable conclusions if we draw inferences about the theory di- rectly from the results of evaluation. (4) The problem of metatheoretical correspondence. Psychological re- search takes place within a specific anthropological model of man. This is true for applied psychology as well. Is practical application of research results possible if they are gained under a different model of man and a different paradigm to the ones favoured by the practitioner? A great amount of psychological research was generated within a mechanistic-deterministic model of man (Reese and Overton 1970). We talk about antecedents and their consequences; about causes and 282 L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology determinants of behaviour and development. The questions, and in part the methodologies, certainly the interpretations and recommendations for practical application, are different from those which are formulated under a holistic, dialectical or transactional model of development. Many practitioners tend to accept a transactional model. Moreover, they see their clients not as determined by causes acting on them but as reasonable and responsible subjects, able to make their own decisions, as origins in their own development. They would refuse "to subject their clients to training", they would prefer, rather, to analyze problems together with their clients, to propose alternatives to them etc., but the decisions are made by the client himself. In describing their own work, those practitioners would prefer the term discourse over manipulation (Habermas 1975), the term education over persuasion (Kelly 1967), the term counselling over intervention (Brandtstadter 1981). Now the question: Are research data gathered within a mechanistic model of man adequate for such a conception? At least, new interpreta- tions of data and theories seem to be unavoidable. Causes are interpre- ted not as determinants, but rather as instigations, as barriers, as demands. They are interpreted as information to, be evaluated and processed by the subject. It is the subject's personal, evaluative interpre- tation of so-called conditions and causes which is relevant in this paradigm (for a detailed discussion see Montada 1983b). 3. Conclusion Since we do not consider the relation between theory, basic research, technological research and practice a matter of logical deduction, but rather a matter of heuristic use, we will conclude by referring to a proposal made by Westmeyer (1979). For good reasons, Westmeyer denies the possibility of using formal models for decision making in applied psychology. Rather, he suggests a sort of a dialogue procedure between the practitioner and a "RationalitatsprUfer" (rationality-test- ing-expert) who demands evidence on the effectiveness and validity of procedures chosen or planned and, simultaneously, he asks for the comparative evaluation of alternative decisions (regarding hypotheses, strategies and procedures of assessment, intervention and evaluation). L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology 283 Although, in reality, it will hardly be possible to find a single expert having all the knowledge and competencies needed for such a testing procedure, Westmeyer's proposal may serve as a model of the ideal communication between scientists and practitioners. It would help ease the job of a Rationalitatsprufer if inventories of relevant research to solve the puzzles in fields of application were available. These inventories should contain a network of theories, information from research as well as corresponding pragmatically usa- ble rules. If we start out with a hypothesis like "p leads to q" we should know what further consequences q might have, what else might lead to q, whether p is subject to change and how and with what side effects, etc. Let me finish with some more desiderata. (1) It seems to be that Bronfenbrenner's (1977) and McCall's (1977) or Snow's (1974) warnings are considered more and more often. We take the courage to design complex field studies, when a "simula- tion" in the laboratory would be of questionable ecological validity. The number of larger projects in ecological contexts has been growing and should continue to do so. (2) Applying research results requires their being proven. The prac- titioner needs pragmatic rules whose validity has been tested by research. Tentative deductions from a just significant correlation identified but once without replication, without testing its robust- ness over different populations, contexts, etc., will not reduce the practitioner's uncertainty. If the replications are not robust, interac- tions must be assumed, and these have to be clarified before anything may be deduced. This means that one-shot research rarely meets the requirements of practitioners. We seldom make use of secondary analyses of research data; of the joint evaluation of data from various studies within the same area; of the compilation of samples from different scholars. A good example is given by Lazar and Darlington (1982) who compared 11 studies on preschool education and designed one common follow-up study for subjects still available from all 11 samples. (3) Today we do have methodologies for data analyses, as well as computing facilities that, during the fifties, would not have been dreamt of. Today, research does not have to be restricted to two variables anymore. Lengthy raw lists of predictors are no longer 284 L. Montada / Applied developmental psychology acceptable without clarification of the theoretical status of different predictors as well as the relationships between them. (4) If we explore literature data bases like PsychInfo or the German pendant "Psyndex" we find very good examples of developmental research in different fields of application oriented research, i.e. clinical, educational, criminal psychology, counselling. However, well designed and well analyzed longitudinal studies remain the exception. I feel it would be among the most important - though indirect - contributions of developmental psychology to the fields of practice, to "export" the idea that developmental knowledge is needed and, subsequently, that developmental research is needed in all fields of applied psychological research. We should try to co-operate with scholars in various areas of applied research. References Albert, H., 1968. Traktat uber kritische Vernunft. Tubingen: Mohr. 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</istex:document>
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<titleInfo lang="en">
<title>Applied Developmental Psychology: Tasks, Problems, Perspectives</title>
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<title>Applied Developmental Psychology: Tasks, Problems, Perspectives</title>
</titleInfo>
<name type="personal">
<namePart type="given">Leo</namePart>
<namePart type="family">Montada</namePart>
<affiliation>Fachbereich I, Psychologie, Universitat Trier, Schneidershof, 5500 Trier, FRG.</affiliation>
</name>
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<dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1984-09</dateIssued>
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<abstract lang="en">In order to consider possible contributions of developmental psychology to the analysis and solution of practical problems a model of practical action is proposed comprising the following six steps or questions: (1) What is the phenomenon or the problem we have to deal with? (2) How did the phenomenon or problem come into existence? (3) What will be the outcome of further development if no action is taken to change the phenomenon or outcome. (4) What are possible goals for intervention? (5) How can the goals be achieved? (6) What is the outcome in terms of evaluation of prognosis, intervention or counselling? Within the framework of these six steps or questions available scientific knowledge as well as relevant methodological problems are discussed. Moreover, the relationships and differences between theory, basic research, applied research and practical application are analyzed, namely the problem of equivalence of concepts and measures, the problem of deduction of technologies from theory, the problem of falsification of theory by failures in its practical application and the problem of discrepancies in metatheoretical correspondence. The article closes with some recommendations concerning developmental research in relation to applications.</abstract>
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<titleInfo>
<title>International Journal of Behavioral Development</title>
</titleInfo>
<genre type="journal">journal</genre>
<identifier type="ISSN">0165-0254</identifier>
<identifier type="eISSN">1464-0651</identifier>
<identifier type="PublisherID">JBD</identifier>
<identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spjbd</identifier>
<part>
<date>1984</date>
<detail type="volume">
<caption>vol.</caption>
<number>7</number>
</detail>
<detail type="issue">
<caption>no.</caption>
<number>3</number>
</detail>
<extent unit="pages">
<start>267</start>
<end>286</end>
</extent>
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