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Book Reviews

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Book Reviews

Auteurs : Michael Stubbs

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DOI: 10.1177/0957926593004004012

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<meta-value> Book reviews 483 GUY COOK, The Discourse of Advertising, London: Routledge, 1992. xxi + 250 pp. ISBN 0-415-04170-8 (hbk); 0-415-04171-6 (pbk). This is a well-written book, often amusing and witty, on advertisements from (mainly) British magazines and television: a type of discourse of which people have 'vast and daily experience' (p. 199). It contains interesting general dis- cussion of the genre, of different types of ads (for products, charities, health campaigns, etc.), of different moral attitudes to ads, and of change in fashion from the 1950s to 1990s. And it contains good reproductions of visual elements from some of the ads discussed. Cook's observations on individual ads are invariably perceptive. His analytic method is line-by-line commentary on the short texts and their visual and musical components. Ultimately, the method is simply that of confident personal literary judgement. Thus a poem in one ad is condemned as 'out- standingly banal and clumsy . . . a bad ad as well as a bad poem' (p. 123). However, the structure of the argument is restricted to general discussion plus literary critical commentary on individual examples. Cook mentions several methodological issues, but does not draw the consequences in his own analyses. (1) He acknowledges that 'each new ad is encountered through knowledge of thousands of earlier ads' (p. 4). But he has no theory to explain how an individual text can have meaning only as a sample of this enormously large body of texts. The book is not based on a defined corpus of data, and therefore proposes no method of sampling from the data. He admits (p. 11) that he ignores the numerically largest type: small ads in newspapers. And he can only appeal to our intuitions that a particular television ad is 'fairly ordinary' (p. 38) or that certain ads are 'prototypical' (p. 8). Cook simply picks his own favourites, concentrating on particularly memor- able or famous ads, but not attempting to analyse the majority(?) which provide useful information and/or are just banal. I have just watched an ad (on German television) which shows clearly how a floor-cleaning brush works and then recommends you buy one. Cook claims (p. 105) that the contemporary ad does not dwell upon such banal things. His examples are mainly of the type where buying a brand of chewing gum, four-wheel drive car, jeans or instant coffee makes you intelligent, good-looking, loved by your family or desired by the opposite sex. (2) He casually proposes a kind of theoretical sampling: it is 'most instruc- tive to look at ads which occupy extreme points' in the genre (p. 11). But he looks in detail at only one such point, 'soft sell' ads which use allusion and verbal play. He mentions many other types, e.g. for political parties, famine relief, anti-drink/drive campaigns, etc., but does not analyse examples. And he does not discuss other easily imaginable extreme points, such as 'the marketing of the American President', or radio travel programmes which are extended advertising for package holidays. (Thus, contra p. 218, it is not clear that 'the borders of other discourse types are well defended against encroachment'.) (3) He emphasizes that people are not cultural dopes who believe every- thing in soap operas or ads. But his only audience research refers to 'an informal survey of forty young adults' (pp. 106, 112: i.e. he asked some of his students?). (4) He gives isolated examples of Russian and Japanese ads, and makes intriguing comments on differences between communist and post-communist 484 DISCOURSE & SOCIETY advertising in Russian, but, again, such comparisons are not carried out sys- tematically. The book is enjoyable and informative. It contains many fascinating details, a balanced and sensible discussion of the different functions of ads, and a useful emphasis not only on language but also on pictures and music. But it misses the opportunity to document the ads discussed against the background of what is 'ordinary' or 'prototypical'. Michael Stubbs UNIVERSITY OF TRIER, GERMANY PIERRE BOURDIEU, Language and Symbolic Power, Cambridge: Polity, 1991. ix + 302 pp. 35 (hbk). ISBN 0-7456-0097-2. This latest addition to Pierre Bourdieu's theoretical work-joining Outline of a Theory of Practice (1977) and The Logic of Practice (1991)-explores the relationship between language, conceived of as a form of motivated exchange, and symbolic power, conceived of as control over representations of the world. Bourdieu situates himself in sharp opposition to such dichotomies as Saus- sure's langue and parole or Chomsky's 'competence' and 'performance', argu- ing that both distinctions treat language as an object of study rather than as a social practice. Bourdieu also rejects the general sociolinguistic view that lan- guage is a means of communication which, when used by a particular speaker in a particular context, connotes social categories like class, ethnicity and gender, a view that allows linguists to bracket the study of social context as the specific domain of pragmatics. For Bourdieu, both the substance and the manner of discourse are a product of the relations between actors' linguistic resources and the social context of particular linguistic exchanges. - To emphasize his break with traditional sociological approaches to language, Bourdieu takes established sociolinguistic concepts and replaces them with terminology borrowed from political economics. Bourdieu's notion of 'censor- ship', for example, is closely akin to Labov's (1972) 'evaluation', the process of assigning prominence to segments of discourse, through stylistic variation, in response to audience and context. By recasting this process as censorship, Bourdieu emphasizes the power relations encoded in speakers' social know- ledge about how to speak in various contexts. This recasting of concepts was especially effective in Outline of a Theory of Practice, where Bourdieu's descriptions of Kabyle society in terms of class, symbolic capital and markets drew attention to his arguments by contrast with traditional anthropological terminology. In Language and Symbolic Power, where his illustrations are mostly drawn from modern France, a society already much described by political economists, his utilization of this language ob- scures his insights as often as it emphasizes them. Bourdieu's practice theory assumes that social actions always follow an economic logic, even when they are oriented toward non-economic (symbolic) ends, ends which may actually run counter to material profit. Social acts, or 'practices', are described and explained as the product of the relationship between the habitus (deeply embedded predispositions toward particular kinds of actions) of specific actors and a particular field or market. 'Linguistic habitus' is a broad concept, encompassing style, rhetorical abili- </meta-value>
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