Identity Through Fishing
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Auteurs : Peter N. JonesSource :
- Cultural Dynamics [ 0921-3740 ] ; 2005-07.
Abstract
Indigenous cultures throughout the world have struggled to maintain many of their traditional lifeways and cultural identity in the face of pressure from modernizing forces (industrialization, population and demographic changes, globalization, and modern socioeconomic and sociopolitical forces). These forces have particularly affected the Nez Perce of the Plateau culture area in north-western North America. This article discusses how these forces have impacted the Nez Perce for well over a hundred years, though major impacts did not begin until the damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers, when access to salmon became an issue. In this regard, the Nez Perce are an informative case in the study of cultural preservation, cultural change, and cultural identity in the face of these forces. Using Elias Canetti's idea of ‘crowd symbol’ and Sherry Ortner's idea of ‘key symbol’, this article argues that salmon play a similar role in the formation and maintenance of Nez Perce cultural preservation and identity.
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DOI: 10.1177/0921374005058584
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These forces have particularly affected the Nez Perce of the Plateau culture area in north-western North America. This article discusses how these forces have impacted the Nez Perce for well over a hundred years, though major impacts did not begin until the damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers, when access to salmon became an issue. In this regard, the Nez Perce are an informative case in the study of cultural preservation, cultural change, and cultural identity in the face of these forces. Using Elias Canetti's idea of ‘crowd symbol’ and Sherry Ortner's idea of ‘key symbol’, this article argues that salmon play a similar role in the formation and maintenance of Nez Perce cultural preservation and identity.</div></front></TEI><istex><corpusName>sage</corpusName><author><json:item><name>Peter N. 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These forces have particularly affected the Nez Perce of the Plateau culture area in north-western North America. This article discusses how these forces have impacted the Nez Perce for well over a hundred years, though major impacts did not begin until the damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers, when access to salmon became an issue. In this regard, the Nez Perce are an informative case in the study of cultural preservation, cultural change, and cultural identity in the face of these forces. Using Elias Canetti's idea of ‘crowd symbol’ and Sherry Ortner's idea of ‘key symbol’, this article argues that salmon play a similar role in the formation and maintenance of Nez Perce cultural preservation and identity.</p></abstract><kwd-group><kwd>cultural identity</kwd><kwd>fishing</kwd><kwd>indigenous people</kwd><kwd>key symbols</kwd><kwd>Nez Perce</kwd></kwd-group><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value> IDENTITY THROUGH FISHING A Preliminary Analysis of Impacts to the Nez Perce as a Result of the Damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers PETER N. JONES Bäuu Institute, Boulder, Colorado A BSTRACT Indigenous cultures throughout the world have struggled to maintain many of their traditional lifeways and cultural identity in the face of pressure from modernizing forces (industrialization, population and demographic changes, globalization, and modern socioeconomic and sociopolitical forces). These forces have particularly affected the Nez Perce of the Plateau culture area in north-western North America. This article discusses how these forces have impacted the Nez Perce for well over a hundred years, though major impacts did not begin until the damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers, when access to salmon became an issue. In this regard, the Nez Perce are an infor- mative case in the study of cultural preservation, cultural change, and cultural identity in the face of these forces. Using Elias Canetti's idea of 'crowd symbol' and Sherry Ortner's idea of 'key symbol', this article argues that salmon play a similar role in the formation and maintenance of Nez Perce cultural preservation and identity. Key Words cultural identity fishing indigenous people key symbols Nez Perce Koná hitéw^ yecine ke yóx hí·wes pehé·pey naco?óxku·s kawá ke yóx hí·wes pikú·nen teqeléhyekt.1 There they lived that which is between Salmon River and where Snake River goes up. (Aoki and Walker, 1989: 11) Introduction The Nez Perce have been the subject of several hundred published articles, monographs, books, and unpublished manuscripts. More than half of this 17(2): 155192. [DOI: 10.1177/0921374005058584] http://cdy.sagepub.com Copyright © 2005 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi) Cultural Dynamics large corpus concerns the saga of Chief Joseph and the War of 1877 (see Coale, 1956a, 1956b; Drury, 1979; Josephy, 1965; Murdock and O'Leary, 1975; Walker, 1989). The rest deal primarily with anthropological and historical research concerning various aspects of kinship, religion, accultur- ation, and the formation of the reservation (see Walker, 1998, for overview). Only a few of these studies have addressed the importance of fishing and fish products in Nez Perce culture and history, and none have commented on the role salmon plays in Nez Perce cultural identity and maintenance. This article brings together the known ethnographic record of fishing tech- niques and the importance of fishing in traditional Nez Perce culture, followed by a brief review of the history of the salmon decline in the Columbia River system and the construction of the major hydroelectric dams. Subsequently, using Canetti's (1960) idea of 'crowd symbol' and Ortner's (1973) idea of 'key symbol' this article presents a preliminary analysis of the impacts the damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers has had on historical and contemporary traditional Nez Perce cultural identity and maintenance. The preliminary findings conclude that Canetti's and Ortner's theories provide an informative model in which one can begin to understand the impacts the damming of these rivers has had on Nez Perce economic, subsistence, social, mental and physical health, and spiri- tual life. Based on my ethnographic fieldwork, as well as the unpublished field- notes of several key anthropologists from the field area (e.g. Deward E. Walker, Jr, and Gordon Hewes), this article offers a preliminary analysis of the continuous impacts that the construction of the numerous federal and non-federal dams along the Snake and Clearwater Rivers has had on contemporary traditional Nez Perce culture.2 A review of the published literature was also conducted, and the ethnographic literature corroborates and accentuates the data presented here. Data indicate that construction of these dams has not only flooded prime fishing grounds and seriously hampered the survival of the Columbia River salmon stalk, but also seri- ously disrupted economic, social, and religious aspects of Nez Perce culture, as well as destroying an unknown number of archaeological, spiritual, and culturally significant sites. Furthermore, using Canetti's (1960) and Ortner's (1973) theories, my research indicates a strong link between construction of these dams, decline of the salmon, and the current mental and physical well being of the Nez Perce, which is directly tied to their sense of cultural and individual identity. The Plateau Culture Area and the Nez Perce The Plateau culture area is a delimited area that can be defined as the region drained by the Columbia and Fraser Rivers, excepting certain 156 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) portions of the northern Great Basin drained by the Snake River, itself a tributary of the Columbia River (Walker, 1998). The Plateau culture area includes the Interior Salishan peoples, the Sahaptian peoples, several cultural isolates, Athapaskan outliers, and the Kootenai and Cayuse whose exact linguistic affiliations remain unclear. Current American Indian tribes located within the Plateau culture area include the Lillooet, Thompson, Shuswap, Nicola, Kootenai, Northern Okanagan, Lakes, Colville, Middle Columbia River Salishans, Spokane, Kalispel, Flathead, Pend d'Oreille, Coeur d'Alene, Yakima, Palouse, Wasco, Wishram, Cascades, Western Columbia River Sahaptins, Cayuse, Umatilla, Walla Walla, Nez Perce, Molala, Klamath, and Modoc. The Plateau has been recognized as a distinct culture area ever since Otis T. Mason (1896) first suggested that there were 12 ethnic environments or culture areas in North America. Later, Holmes (1914) provided a map that showed the ColumbiaFraser area,which was essentially similar to Mason's. At the same time Wissler (1914) provided a map of the Plateau area but excluded the Oregon Coast and included the FlatheadPend d'Oreille, and the Chilcotin, which are now placed within the Subarctic culture area (see Helm, 1981), but placed the Molala in the Northwest Coast, the Klamath and Modoc in California, and the Shoshone as overlapping the Plateau and Plains culture areas. Subsequently, Wissler published his general textbook, The American Indian (1917), in which he did not map the Plateau area but revised his earlier map by indicating that the Kootenai, Flathead, and Nez Perce overlapped into the Plains. In 1923 Kroeber presented a map of culture areas 'modified from Wissler', where the Plateau extended further north, apparently including the Carrier and Sekani (now placed within the Subarctic culture area). By 1939 Kroeber was more specific, although by then his ColumbiaFraser was a subarea of the larger 'Intermediate and Intermountain' areas, which included the Great Basin and much of California. This subarea included all those tribes in the Plateau as defined in this article, with the exception of the Klamath and Modoc (in Kroeber's Great Basin subarea), and the Wasco, Wishram, and Cascades (in Kroeber's Northwest Coast). It also included the Chilcotin and, more doubtfully, the Carrier (both in the Subarctic culture area). Verne Ray's (1936) Plateau culture area included those treated in this article, except that the following were omitted: Klamath, Modoc, Molala, WascoWishramCascades, Flathead, and Pend d'Oreille, and in the north the Thompson, Lillooet, Shuswap, and Kootenai. Later Ray (1939) added the last six and the Molala, and probably also the Sekani, Carrier, and Chilcotin. For Murdock (1941) the Plateau included the same groups as those included here, with the exception of the Klamath and Modoc, which he placed in the California culture area. Therefore, the definition of the Plateau culture area used here follows Driver and Massey (1957), Kroeber (1939), and Murdock (1941). Jones: Identity through Fishing 157 The Nez Perce homeland is encompassed within the larger Plateau culture area, and is delineated by their 1855 treaty-defined territory and their current reservation, all of which are illustrated in Figure 1. The principal watercourses within this homeland are illustrated in Figure 2, as well as those villages, camps, and traditional fishing grounds identified through ethnographic work. My use of 'fishing grounds' in this article is consistent with Governor Stevens's treaty language of 1855 (Stevens, 185560), and incorporates the more commonly used term 'fishing sites'. My research supports the view that while certain fishing locations were regularly exploited ('usual and accustomed sites'), a better understanding may be conveyed by employing the concept of fishing grounds as described in the treaty of 1855. My research indicates that fishing has traditionally been conducted at numerous 'sites' contained within larger 'grounds' which the Nez Perce and other Columbia River tribes relied upon and negotiated for in the treaty process. It should also be made clear that, while some traditional villages 158 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) Figure 1: Map of contemporary American Indian reservations in the Plateau area, as well as estimated range of historic Nez Perce fishing activity and camps were associated with usual and accustomed sites, they are not the same. In Figure 2, which illustrates the area discussed in this article and which shows the fishing grounds identified so far, none of the more distant Nez Perce fishing grounds are indicated that they jointly utilized with other tribes of the Northwest (see Figure 3), some of which have been identified Jones: Identity through Fishing 159 Figure 2: Map of historic Nez Perce fishing grounds on the Clearwater and Snake Rivers along with historic village and camp locations in previous ethnographic research (see Anastasio, 1972; Craig and Hacker, 1940; Walker, 1967a, 1992, 1993). Many of these more distant fishing grounds have also been degraded or eliminated by hydroelectric projects, irrigation, logging, industrial and municipal waste pollution, and alienation of landownership in ways similar to the effects of the Clearwater and Snake River dams, which are the focus of this article. Ethnographic Summary In order to properly contextualize and ground the analysis and conclusions reported here, a brief ethnographic summary of the Nez Perce is provided. The first documented report of Nez Perce culture comes from the 160 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) Figure 3: Map of Nez Perce homeland and joint-utilization of resources with neighboring Plateau tribes Meriwether Lewis and William Clark expedition of 18046. These explor- ers made numerous ethnographic observations on Nez Perce culture as part of the record they compiled for Thomas Jefferson (Sappington, 1989). Likewise, there are small scatterings in accounts given by fur traders and missionaries during the 1800s (Carley, 2001a, 2001b; Drury, 1958, 1979; Fletcher, 1891; McDonald, 1827; Parker, 1846; Stern, 1993). Furthermore, numerous Bureau of Indian Affairs agents also recorded aspects of Nez Perce religion, acculturation, Indianwhite relations, and subsistence practice during the late 1800s and early 1900s (Commissioner, 182448, 18491910). However, not until university- and museum-trained anthropol- ogists began research at the turn of the 20th century did any systematic investigation begin. This body of literature makes up the majority of the material published on the Nez Perce. Despite this relatively large body of work, only a few of these studies deal in any detail with the importance of Nez Perce fishing, a major component of both traditional and contempor- ary Nez Perce culture. Later studies by anthropologists and historians have mentioned fishing among the Nez Perce, though even these have neglected to emphasize its importance (see Craig and Hacker, 1940; Curtis, 190730; Hewes, 1947, 1973; Romanoff, 1985; Walker, 1967a, 1989), especially in the context discussed here. This article, therefore, provides an important contri- bution to our understanding of fishing in both historical and contemporary traditional Nez Perce culture. Furthermore, and perhaps more importantly, this article provides information for larger issues of theoretical concern that are taking place among other indigenous cultures throughout the world as a result of globalization and other modernizing forces. Historically the Nez Perce centered around the Clearwater and Snake Rivers and their tributaries (see Figure 1), but would regularly venture beyond this area for purposes of trade and exchange with other Plateau tribes (Stern, 1998). Within this area, the Nez Perce were historically organ- ized and linked to territories in named winter villages usually located where tributary streams entered mainstream sections of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers. In turn, all the villages along a mainstream section were linked, more or less as a semi-cohesive watershed unit. Often the watershed, the group of villages, and the most important village on the watershed had variants of the same name. Furthermore, as Lane & Lane and Nash have noted: In addition to these named local groups there were larger units which, whether or not they had a political or isolating social structure, did have geographic coherence. There may have been six such units (along the Snake below the Clearwater, on the Grande Ronde, on the Salmon, and on the Snake above the Clearwater). (1981: 9) Thus, the Nez Perce territory spanned the Clearwater River and extended to the south and middle forks of the Salmon River drainage basins. However, the Nez Perce also regularly traveled to parts of southern Idaho, Jones: Identity through Fishing 161 eastern Oregon, and Washington, and once they acquired the horse in the 1700s (Haines, 1938a, 1938b) they traveled across the Rocky Mountains into the western plains of Montana. The primary Nez Perce fishing grounds that have been identified thus far are illustrated in Figure 2. Many of these fishing grounds were located near rapids, as noted by the first Euroamericans to arrive in the area. The [Snake] river has many rapids, near which are situated many fishing-camps; there being ten establishments of this [kind] before reaching the first southern branch one on that stream, five between that and the Pawnashte, one on that river, and two above it . . . (Coues, 1965: 622) Likewise, Figure 2 also illustrates the large area that the Nez Perce regu- larly used prior to the 1930s when major hydroelectric dams were first constructed on the Snake, Clearwater, and other rivers. As will be discussed below, these dams have effectively destroyed over two-thirds of the traditional fishing grounds guaranteed to the Nez Perce in the treaty of 1855. Within this large territory, it has proven difficult to estimate the total number of 19th-century Nez Perce households, although some knowledge of their average sizes and range is available. Lewis and Clark described one semi-subterranean long-house containing a village group as being 156 feet long and 15 feet wide (Moulton, 1991). Other early visitors to the area report camps up to 'about eight hundred huts and tents' (Ross, 1956: 150). Likewise, an 1840 census concluded that village populations averaged about 50 people (Gibbs, 1978/1855); however, temporary aggregations exceeded this number, and ranged up to several hundred for short periods of time (Moulton, 1991; Walker, 1989). A cross-comparison of the various early census accounts (see Lane et al., 1981; Walker, 1967a, 1998) indicates that the total Nez Perce population in 1850 was about 5000 and that they were concentrated along the Salmon, Clearwater, and Snake Rivers. These numbers are also most likely similar for 1855, the year of the first Nez Perce treaty with the United States. It should be noted that this figure is also probably lower than the pre-Euroamerican contact (protohistoric) popu- lation since it has been shown that Old World epidemic diseases most likely reached this area by the 1700s and greatly reduced tribal populations by the time of first Euroamerican contact (Boyd, 1990, 1999; Jones, 2003b). By the signing of the treaty of 1855, the Nez Perce became one of several officially recognized sovereign tribal nations in the Plateau culture region. At this time, Nez Perce political organization included semi-hereditary chiefs with permanent political integration of the various bands through a council of principal chiefs. Beneath the level of the tribal council were the band and village councils, as well as band and village headmen. These various associations and sodalities helped unify the tribe in numerous co- operative activities (Anastasio, 1972), as will be discussed concerning fishing. 162 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) The Nez Perce historically fished year round, with usually only a short break in the early spring as they broke their winter camps, moved locations, and began to prepare for the first spring runs of salmon. Most anthropolo- gists (e.g. Haines, 1955; Josephy, 1965; Walker, 1967a, 1989) have character- ized the Nez Perce subsistence pattern as cyclical, in that during the summer months the Nez Perce would fish along the Snake, Clearwater, and other rivers for salmon and other anadromous fish species. Based on this subsis- tence pattern, in mid-summer the Nez Perce would temporarily move to the plateaus above the river canyons to harvest camas (Camassia quamash) and other root plants. In fall the Nez Perce would return to the rivers to harvest the large fall Chinook runs, which they would dry and preserve in order to last through the winter. During this subsistence round they would continue to gather plants, roots, and berries, as well as take deer, antelope, rabbits, and other small game when available. However, as will be discussed, salmon constituted a major part of their subsistence diet. This basic subsistence pattern centered on salmon and the gathering of plants is reflected in the Nez Perce calendar (see Table 1). As one informant told me, The salmon is what triggers the calendar. The Nez Perce calendar is based on thirteen cycles, and the salmon is what begins it and what starts the calendar again. We can measure the rest of the year on the abundance of the salmon.3 (Jones, 2003a) After the Nez Perce acquired the horse in the 1700s (Haines, 1938a, 1938b), some members of the tribe would cross the Rocky Mountains to hunt buffalo in the fall, usually not returning until the following spring after the winter snows had melted (Fletcher, 1891; Josephy, 1965; Sappington, 1989). Thus, as this brief overview has shown, the Nez Perce were historically a complex tribal unit composed of several bands and groups each practicing a cyclical lifeway pattern that focused on salmon. Historical Nez Perce Fishing Techniques The complex, elaborate, and efficient Nez Perce fishing techniques described here document the extent of Nez Perce reliance on this valuable resource and the importance of fish in historical Nez Perce society and cultural identity. Some of these techniques have been mentioned in other scattered reports (see Craig and Hacker, 1940; Hewes, 1947, 1973; McDonald, 1827; Romanoff, 1985; Walker, 1967a), though no report that the author is aware of has dealt with them as a whole. Primary reliance on aquatic fish resources by the Nez Perce is evident in the treaty negotiated by them in 1855, with Governor Stevens reserving their fishing rights both on and off the newly formed reservation. While their culture has changed greatly since the 1855 treaty, many of the Nez Perce have continued to Jones: Identity through Fishing 163 164 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) Table 1: Traditional Nez Perce calendar with corresponding month names and cultural translation of season activities Month Traditional Nez Cultural Translation of the Season Perce Name January Wilupup The time of cold storms when the (We-lu-poop) temperature is low and there are lots of icy places. February Alatama'l The time of severe cold weather and (Ah-la-tah-mahl) blizzard storms when it is difficult to build fires and fuel is scarce. March Latit'al The time when new plants surface and the (Lah-te-tahl) flowers blossom. April Q'eq'iitt'al The time for the first harvest of roots (Keh-khee-tahl) (keh-kheet), the beginning of the new year, the time of thanksgiving, the time when the harvest of new food has arrived. May Apa'al The season for making up-pa (baked loaf) (Ah-pah-ahl) from ground khouse. Hilal The time when the melting snows cause the (Heel-lahl) rivers and streams to rise. June Tuustimasat'al The time for migrating to higher elevations (Toose-te-ma-sah-tahl) to dig roots, the time when syringa blooms (the sign that the deer are fit to hunt in the mountains). Time when first salmon begin to arrive. Hesu'al The time when the hesu (eels) move to the (Ha-soo-ahl) upper tributaries. Qoyxt'sal The season of the run of the blue black (Khoy-tsahl) salmon (k'ohyl-ehkts) in the upper tributaries. July Taya'al The season of midsummer hot weather (Ta-ya-ahl) when people harvest and prepare food for storage and use during the winter months. Nat'soxliwal The time when the nat'sox (Chinook (Nah-t'sohkh-le-wahl) salmon) return to the upper rivers, ready to journey to the spawning streams. August Wawama'ayqll'al The time when the Chinook salmon reach (Wa-wam-aye-k'ahl) the canyon streams and fishermen move to the upper rivers. practice traditional lifestyles (for a recent example see Axtell and Aragon, 1997) and rely on traditional aquatic foods (Jones, 2003a). These traditional practices, however, have been severely impacted and the Nez Perce have struggled not only to maintain those practices, but to pass them on to the next generation. For example, one Nez Perce elder commented on his struggle to teach young Nez Perce children how to fish in the traditional manner: We try and teach them how to fish in the traditional way, instead of just getting them a fishing pole at the store. Teach them how to make the fishing hooks, whether a Gaff hook or some other kind. Or the nets, there are so many different kinds of nets, and we try and teach them the traditional ways of fishing. My research indicates that reliance on salmon and other fish products increased during the latter part of the 19th century because of reduced opportunities to hunt and gather other traditional foods, but that with the damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers access to salmon became extremely limited, straining Nez Perce cultural identity preservation (see below). Whenever possible, the Nez Perce historically and contemporarily have regularly fished for the following species: Chinook, Silver, Coho, and Sockeye varieties of salmon; Dolly Varden, Cut Throat, Brook, Lake, and Rainbow varieties of trout; several kinds of suckers, white fish, sturgeon, squaw fish, lampreys, and some shellfish (see Table 2). Jones: Identity through Fishing 165 Table 1: Continued Month Traditional Nez Cultural Translation of the Season Perce Name September Piq'uunm'ayq'al The season when the fall salmon run (Pe-khoon-mai-kahl) upstream and when the fingerlings journey down river. October Hoplal The season when the tamarack shed their (Hope-lal) needles and the trees turn color. November Saxliwal The season of shedding leaves when cold (Sekh-le-wahl) weather and snow arrive in the higher elevations. December Haoq'qy The season of the fetus in the womb of the (Ha-oo-khoy) deer and elk, the time when hunting is finished and the taste of the meat resembles the odor of the animal and is not good to eat. Although salmon provided the bulk of fish consumed, a variety of other species of fish were also important. Particularly notable are the suckers (or 'mullet'), Catostomus columbianus and C. macrocheilus, which were harvested in large quantities from late February through April over much of the plateau. (Hunn, 1999: 161) In recent times, the Nez Perce have also begun to catch the non-native carp, bass, and catfish that were introduced in the early 20th century, although salmon and trout remain the most preferred types of fish. Eels and sturgeon have been and continue to be regarded as delicacies, whereas most types of suckers, whitefish, and squawfish are and continue to be of lesser importance, and are used primarily in place of the more preferred anadromous species. Historically, the first spring salmon run consisted of spring Chinook salmon (O. tshawytscha), which passed quickly but in great abundance. After a hiatus of high water in late May and June came summer and fall Chinook runs (O. tshawytscha), Sockeye salmon (O. nerka) in late June, Silver salmon (O. kisutch) in September, Chum salmon (O. keta) in October and November, and Steelhead salmon (O. mykiss) returning from November through April and spawning from December through June, providing salmon fishing along the middle Columbia River and its branches nearly year round (Goble, 1999; Hunn, 1999; Landeen and Pinkham, 1999). 166 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) Table 2: Most common fish species historically taken by the Nez Perce in the clearwater and snake river system Latin Name Common Name Season Available Oncorhynchus tshawytscha Chinook salmon Spring and Fall Oncorhynchus mykiss Steelhead salmon November through June Oncorhynchus nerka Sockeye salmon June and July Oncorhynchus kisutch Silver salmon; Coho salmon June through September Catostomus columbianus Bridgelip sucker All year Catostomus macrocheilus Largescale sucker All year Catostomus platyrhynchus Mountain sucker All year Catostomus catostomus Longnose sucker All year Salvelinus malma Dolly Varden All year Oncorhynchus clarki Cut throat trout All year Salvelinus fontinalis Brook trout All year Salvelinus confluentus Bull trout All year Coregonus clupeformis Lake whitefish All year Prosopium williamsoni Mountain whitefish All year Acipenser transmontanus White sturgeon All year Acipenser medirostris Green sturgeon All year Lampetra tridentate Pacific lamprey All year Lampetra ayresi River lamprey All year Lampetra richardsoni Western brook lamprey All year As has been mentioned (see also Figure 2), the Nez Perce historically utilized a number of fishing sites that I have divided into sites of primary and secondary importance. Primary sites are those that (1) are normally associated with villages or clusters of neighboring villages; (2) have rela- tively high fish productivity; and (3) provide access to most of the anadro- mous and other preferred species found in Nez Perce waters. Secondary sites often (1) are more distant from major settlements; (2) are limited to only a portion of the preferred species of subsistence and importance; and (3) generally produce smaller catches. At sites of both primary and second- ary importance various techniques were used to harvest the fish. The more complex and specialized of these techniques were usually employed only at sites of primary importance, though they may have been employed at sites of secondary importance depending on the season and nature of the anadromous fish runs. Lewis and Clark noted,'We passed, during our route of 20 miles to-day, several camps of Indians on the islands and near the rapids, which places are chosen as most convenient for taking salmon' (in Coues, 1965: 618). Rapids, islands, and narrows were also usually associated with sites of primary importance, while shallows, smaller rapids, and particu- lar eddies were associated with sites of secondary importance. 'All these rapids are fishing-places of great resort in the season . . .' (Coues, 1965: 627). The traditional techniques that I have identified through ethnographic research thus far are now described. Weirs and Traps Maintenance, use, and construction of complex weirs and traps were histori- cally employed by the Nez Perce and required large-scale cooperation. Normally, several Nez Perce households (constituting a village) joined together to construct a weir. The major weirs were historically located at primary fishing sites on the Snake and Clearwater Rivers and their tribu- taries. Lewis and Clark recorded weir use among the Nez Perce: Near our camp is a fish-weir, formed of two curtains of small willow-switches, matted together with wythes [withes] of the small plant, and extending across the river in two parallel lines six feet asunder. These are supported by several parcels of poles . . . and are either to suffer the fish to pass or detain them. A seine of 15 to 18 feet in length is then dragged down the river by two persons, and the bottom drawn up against the curtain of willows. (Coues, 1965: 976) According to informants, these historically varied according to stream size, with weirs being located on somewhat larger streams and traps on the smaller streams. Weirs and traps rarely survived the annual high water flooding and had to be rebuilt each summer. Furthermore,they were usually under the care of local villages and headmen with whom they were normally linked. Today, weirs and traps are rarely utilized because of the lack of open sites Jones: Identity through Fishing 167 that could support a large-scale weir, as well as a lack of time and commit- ment that is necessary to construct and maintain either weirs or traps, not to mention the scarcity of individuals knowledgeable in their construction. Dipping Platforms Dipping platforms were historically located in direct association with specific villages and thus usually employed at sites of primary importance. According to informants, dipping platforms were of two types: either natural projections from the bank, such as large boulders or trees, or prepared platforms that extended out over the water. Lewis and Clark described this latter type: For this purpose they have constructed with sticks a kind of wharf, projecting about ten feet into the river and three feet above its surface, on the extremity of which one of the fishermen exercised himself with a scooping-net . . . (Coues, 1965: 1020) Presently, dipping platforms are rarely used because most of the sites historically associated with this technique are submerged as a result of the damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers. However, a few are still occasionally used according to informants on the main stem of the Columbia River. Dipping platforms must be located near an eddy in order for the bag part of the dip nets to flare out and upstream so that salmon swimming upstream are successfully netted. In some historical cases, informants noted that artificial eddies were produced by sinking logs or other obstructions into the stream. Fish Walls Prior to the flooding of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers, fish walls were visible along the banks, and some remains can still be found today. Fish walls consisted of a large embankment built up of rocks, which forced the fish to swim in a particular direction/channel where it was easy for Nez Perce fishers to net or spear them. Informants noted that fish walls were built at differing elevations on the riverbank in order to adjust to the seasonal variations in the height of the water. Today fish walls are no longer used because of a lack of access to large channels of the rivers where they could be utilized. Likewise, many of the historical areas where the Nez Perce utilized fish walls have been submerged under the floodwaters of the Lewiston, Dworshak, Hell's Canyon, Oxbow, and Brownlee dams. Floating Platforms Along with the dipping platforms, informants discussed a 'canoes abreast' or floating platform technique. This method was used where construction 168 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) of weirs was unfeasible because of excessively wide watercourses. Conse- quently, the Nez Perce living on the lower reaches of the Snake, Salmon, and Clearwater Rivers were those most familiar with this technique, compared to the upper river villages. The technique involved one or more canoes 'abreast', side by side, forming a platform and floating downstream with individuals in the canoes either spearing or netting fish. Informants also discussed a technique where the canoe was floated downstream sideways. This technique was generally restricted to single canoe parties and was not used for heavy fish runs. Furthermore, this single canoe technique was also sometimes used at night with spears and torchlight. Dip Nets Historically Nez Perce dip nets were both single and double handled, the latter being the most common type. Informants note that a dip net's length depended primarily on the height of the dipping platform above the water's surface. Likewise, the type of fish being taken also determined the sizes of the hoop and the net mesh. For example, according to informants Chinook salmon required a large hoop and net gauge, whereas eels required a smaller hoop with very small-gauged nets. The manufacture of dip nets took a great amount of time and required great skill; they were usually made over the long winter months. Lewis and Clark first described this technique: They also employ a smaller seine, like a scooping-net, one side of which is confined to a semicircular bow five feet long, and half the size of a man's arm, and the other side is held by a strong rope, which, being tied at both ends to the bow, forms the chord to the semicircle. (Coues, 1965: 976) Fish Spears Nez Perce traditional fishers now use detachable gaff hooks to take the large salmon and steelhead, but historically spears were of two principal types: a single toggle harpoon device and a leister. In these types of spears the harpoon would pierce the salmon,after which the harpoon head became detached from the shaft and remained in the flesh. An attached line then hauled the harpooned salmon in. Use of the three-pointed leister has been described prehistorically and ethnographically (Coues, 1965; Roll and Hackenberger, 1998). Because of its detachable head construction the harpoon could be used along rocky bottoms with little worry of breaking the points or barbs. Informants note that in some cases such spearing sites were improved by the lining of the stream bottoms with light-colored stones to enhance visibility. Unlike the single toggle harpoon, however, this implement was not thrown, and informants say that the handle could be 20 feet or more in length. Jones: Identity through Fishing 169 Historic Reliance on Fishing According to archaeological evidence, the Nez Perce have relied on fishing and fish products dating far back into the prehistoric, perhaps close to 9000 years (Ames et al.,1998; Jones,2004;Walker,1998).Throughout this time,the Nez Perce have continued to rely on fish and fish products (Leonhardy and Rice,1970; Lohse and Sammons-Lohse,1986),and fish have come to form an integral part of their oral tradition (Aoki,1979;Aoki andWalker,1989; Beall, 1971/1931; Landeen and Pinkham, 1999; Walker and Matthews, 1994). Historic reliance on fish can also be seen in the fact that, during years of poor fish runs,the Nez Perce would utilize less than desirable resources such as moss and tree bark (Merrell and Clark, 2001), as well as various seeds, antelope, rabbits, and other less-optimal resources. The Lewis and Clark expedition came through the Nez Perce territory during one of these lean years, and their journals confirm my informant's oral history. During last winter they were so much distressed for food that they were obliged to boil and eat the moss growing on the pine-trees. At the same period they cut down nearly all the long-leaved pines, which we observed on the ground, for the purpose of collect- ing the seeds, which resemble in size and shape those of the large sun-flower, and when roasted or boiled are nutritious and not disagreeable to the taste. (Coues, 1965: 9956) This evidence is also supported by recent work, which argues that other resources such as antelope, deer, and other large mammals were scarce within the Plateau, forcing the Nez Perce and other tribes to rely more extensively on salmon and other fish products (Martin and Szuter, 1999a, 1999b, 2002). Further corroboration for my informant's oral history comes from on- the-spot 19th-century observers such as the missionary Henry Harmon Spalding. For example, during his first years among the Nez Perce, Spalding noted that on a single day when he visited a fishery, the local Nez Perce village caught, '202 large salmon weighing from 10 to 25 lbs . . . There were probably as many taken at 50 other stations [that day] in the Nez Perce country . . . These fisheries will always be of great importance to this mission' (Spalding, 1958: 227). While on an outing with the Nez Perce in the Wallowa country, Spalding recorded the number of salmon taken on 25 July 1839 at several primary fishing sites as 300, and another 600 to 700 two days later (Spalding, 1958). Mrs Smith, wife of the missionary Asa Bowen Smith, who resided at Kamiah during the late 1830s, observed that, '[h]ere also is their salmon fishery. With their fish weir they may catch hundreds every night' (Smith, 1840: 86). That such daily catches were typical of the Columbia Basin and that such activity involved hundreds of people is clear from Mrs Elkanah Walker's description of fishing among the neighboring Spokane (where some Nez Perce regularly visited) in June 1839. She writes: 170 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) At first a barrier [weir] was constructed near some falls, ten miles from this place . . . At that place salmon were taken only during high water, and then not in great quanti- ties as the barrier extended only a part of the way across the river . . . As the water fell another barrier was built farther down, and extended across the entire river; and when completed men, women, and children made a general move to the place. If I judged correctly I saw there at one time new one thousand persons and the number rapidly increasing. From four to eight hundred salmon were taken in a day, weighing variously from ten to forty pounds apiece. (Walker, 1838: box 1) My research indicates that the daily Nez Perce catch from a weir during peak days historically ranged from 300 to 700 (average) salmon weighing between 10 and 40 (average) pounds. My research also indicates that Spalding's estimate that the Nez Perce used 50 primary fishing stations is probably a conservative figure. Nevertheless, taking 500 fish per day and multiplying this number by 50 primary fishing sites, one obtains a figure of 25,000 fish caught per day during the peak days of the runs. Informants have estimated that between June and October there would usually be about 20 peak days when the median daily catch would be approximately 500 salmon. Therefore, during the summer months the Nez Perce would catch an estimated 500,000 fish or 12,500,000 lbs. If you compare this figure with the estimated prehistoric and historic population figure of 5000 multiplied by an average of 5 lbs of meat consumed per day per person4 during the same months, the Nez Perce consumed only 3,750,000 lbs of meat during this time. This left a surplus of meat for storage or for trade (~8,750,000 lbs). It should be noted that these figures are larger than Hewes's (1973) estimate. However, this number is less than Craig and Hacker's (1940) that estimated up to 18 million pounds of salmon and steelhead were taken annually, primarily because I am basing my estimate on direct ethnographic accounts that include all varieties of anadromous fish and take into account the difference between peak days and non-peak days. As the above data indicate, the Nez Perce historically relied on salmon for a large component of their subsistence regime. As a result of this reliance on salmon, contemporary Nez Perce traditionalists link their continuation as a distinct people with the return and renewal of the salmon, steelhead, and other fish species. Prior to construction of the Hell's Canyon Dams, Lewiston Dam, and other hydroelectric projects, informants remember harvesting significant quantities of Chinook and other species of fish on the Clearwater and Snake Rivers and their tributaries. These harvests occurred at many primary and secondary fishing sites on numerous streams throughout a large part of present-day Idaho, Oregon, and Washington (see Figure 3). However, upon construction of the numerous hydroelectric and other dams on the Columbia River watershed, my informants' oral history indicates that a drastic decrease in total numbers of salmon taken was experienced, as well as a loss to the access of their treaty guaranteed 'usual and accustomed' sites. As one informant referred Jones: Identity through Fishing 171 to the damming of Celilo Falls, 'We call it "wiping of the tears", trying to bring back the salmon runs and fishing at Celilo Falls. When they wiped that out, we lost a lot of places to fish.' Decline of the Salmon Though oral histories of the salmon decline can be traced back to the 1930s and 1940s, impacts on Nez Perce fishing actually began in the late 1800s when large numbers of Euroamericans moved into present-day Oregon, Washington, and Idaho. During this time the rise of the commercial, non- Indian, salmon fishing industry in the north-west United States began as a source of dependable food supply for early fur trading posts; this subse- quently became a major cause of the depletion of the salmon runs in the 19th century (Hewes, 1947, 1973). Other causes during this time were the sale of salmon to merchant vessels visiting the area, development of canning techniques for salmon, and the subsequent increase in international demand for salmon, especially the Sockeye and later the Chinook varieties. In 1866, Andrew Hapgood, along with William, John, and George Hume opened the first salmon cannery on the Columbia River, during which they packed 4,000 cases of 48 one-pound cans each. By 1882, more than 1 million cases were produced by Columbia River canneries (Goble, 1999). In 1895 the pack exceeded 2 million cases, and in 1901 the number grew to more than 5 million cases (Craig and Hacker, 1940; Goble, 1999). Thus, within this short period of time a major industry was developed, and because of this rapid success a boom was experienced. However, as Limerick (1987) has noted for most industrial processes that have taken place in the American West, a bust soon followed. The canneries' demand fostered overfishing: the Chinook catch peaked in 1883, when 40 canneries packed 43 million pounds; total production of all species reached its maximum in 1911, when almost 50 million pounds of salmon were packed. From 1912 to the present, the salmon production has never again reached such high levels, and salmon numbers continue to remain below their pre-cannery levels (Anderson, 1995; Goble, 1999; Northwest, 1999). A decrease in the salmon runs by the canners was first evident in Cali- fornia, becoming noticeable somewhat later to the north in Oregon, and later still in Washington, British Columbia, and Alaska. For example, the commercial fisheries on the 11 rivers of the Oregon coast peaked in 1911, when the district yielded 250,000 cases of salmon (50 million pounds); production fell gradually thereafter. On the Columbia River, depletion was foreseen as early as 1888, and the commercial peak reached its maximum in the 1890s (Bancroft, 1888; Goble, 1999). Signs of decline were masked, however, on the Columbia River by the substitution of Chinook for Sockeye and by intensified fishing efforts. Nevertheless, by 1930, the 172 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) commercial salmon pack from the Columbia River was less than half of the 1895 total (Hewes, 1973). By 1975, the amount of Columbia River salmon canned dropped to less than that in 1867, the second year of cannery oper- ations (Goble, 1999). Declines on the streams of western Washington entering Willapa Bay and Grays Harbor became noticeable at about the same time. The catch in Puget Sound, based primarily on the large runs of salmon entering the Fraser River, reached its peak between 1899 and 1919, when the commercial catch was averaging nearly 1,000,000 cases per year. By 1939, the Puget Sound commercial pack had dropped to 400,000 cases, and by 1940, to 121,000 cases (Freeman and Martin, 1942). On the Fraser River, the commercial pack reached its peak in 1901, and in outlying streams of British Columbia somewhat later, in 191820. Despite the impact of overfishing, decline of fish numbers since the 1930s has continued, due mostly to the construction of dams and the ecological transformation of rivers as a result of habitat destruction (Anderson, 1995; Deur, 1999; Espinosa et al., 1997). This chronology of salmon decline has proven to be very interesting, for as noted, Nez Perce oral history memory does not attribute the decline in salmon to the commercial canneries. In fact, oral history concerning the decline in salmon centers on the 1950s and 1960s. This is also the same time that the major hydroelectric dams were constructed on the Clearwater and Snake Rivers, and indicates that more complex cultural impacts have taken place than a simple co-relational analysis between canneries and salmon decline would indicate. Briefly, it appears that though the decline in overall salmon numbers due to commercial fishing operations most likely had profound impacts on the Nez Perce, the Nez Perce themselves attribute a more profound and drastic impact to the construction of the major hydro- electric dams. One reason for this may be that, as a result of the construc- tion of these dams, not only were the salmon prevented from conducting their seasonal runs, but large tracts of prime fishing sites were flooded, especially many of the Nez Perce's treaty guaranteed 'usual and accus- tomed' sites. One elder commented that the damming of these rivers 'does not allow us to be Nez Perce. If we can't hunt or fish, we lose our connec- tion, our sense of self and identity as a people.' Construction of the Hydroelectric Dams Prior to the construction of the first mainstream hydroelectric dams on the lower Columbia River (e.g. Bonneville, completed in 1938), records indicate that Chinook salmon had declined approximately 40 percent since 1900 (Anderson, 1995). However, between 1953 and 1975 all varieties of anadro- mous species dramatically declined with the construction of numerous dams on the lower Columbia River, lower Clearwater River, and middle Jones: Identity through Fishing 173 and lower Snake River. During this period McNary Dam (1954), Brownlee Dam (1958), Ice Harbor and Oxbow Dams (1961), the Dalles Dam (1967), Hell's Canyon Dam (1967), John Day Dam (1968), Lower Monumental Dam (1969), Little Goose Dam (1970), and Lower Granite Dam (1975) were built, inundating 227 kilometers of mainstem habitat on the lower Snake River and 294 kilometers of mainstem habitat on the lower Columbia River (Northwest, 1999). The major hydroelectric dams of the Columbia River system are illustrated in Figure 4. Compounding the disruption of the hydrologic cycle, these dams also altered the historic aquatic habitat that favored cold-water fish such as trout and salmonids (Onchorynchus spp.), in many cases severely impacting or eliminating the habitats of these fish. A primary result of the numerous dams was the change in lower mainstream river characteristics from a free- flowing river into a series of reservoirs covering approximately 70 percent of the distance from Lewiston, Idaho, to the Pacific Ocean (Northwest, 1999). Likewise, these dams slowed migration and spawning runs, as well as slowing water and raising water temperatures to intolerable levels for trout and salmon. Warm water, suffused with nitrogen and phosphates from agri- cultural runoff, promoted the growth of plants such as algae that in turn deprived fish of oxygen. Irrigation diversions, especially during drought years, exacerbated the harsh conditions, as did farm pesticides that filtered into streams (Fiege, 1999). Dams, however, did not just destroy trout and salmon habitat, but para- doxically they enhanced habitat for other fish species. Indigenous species such as Utah chub (Gila atraria) and suckers (Catostomus spp.) proliferated in the warm, deoxygenated, muddy water. Introduced fish, notably the carp (Cyprinus carpio), also flourished there. During the 1880s and 1890s, Idaho farmers acquired carp from the US Fish Commission and brought them to the newly irrigated landscape, intending to raise the species in ponds for food. By accident and intent, the fish spread through drainage ditches and streams into the Columbia River system. Not only was the carp ideally suited to the emerging 'degraded' aquatic environment, but it also helped to create its own habitat (Deur, 1999; Espinosa et al., 1997), by bottom feeding and stirring up sediments, keeping the water muddy and unsuitable for salmon. Although declines were noted elsewhere during the 19th century, the salmon runs entering the Snake and Clearwater Rivers and their tributaries were not thought by tribal members to be seriously imperiled until the mid- 20th century, as previously mentioned. As economic development and especially dam construction increased, tribal members were increasingly forced to expand their utilization of more distant, and often secondary, fishing sites in order to maintain their annual catch. My informants agree that construction and the subsequent impacts of the Hell's Canyon dams depleted the salmon runs ascending the Snake River and its tributaries. 174 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) Likewise, construction of the Lewiston dam severely depleted the number of fishing sites on the Clearwater River. Tribal fishermen who had custom- arily exploited the runs in the Clearwater and Snake Rivers and their various adjoining tributaries had come to regard them as not only essential Jones: Identity through Fishing 175 Figure 4: Map of Columbia River Basin hydroelectric projects in Washington, Oregon, Idaho, and Montana for their subsistence, but as will be discussed below, for maintenance of their cultural identity. The Snake River sites had always been important, accessed by a well developed set of trails, and utilized on a predictable annual schedule. These sites became especially important in the years following 1930 due to the decline in numbers of anadromous fish on the Clearwater River and its tributaries as a result of construction of the Lewiston dam. During the years following 1930 until the Hell's Canyon dams were completed in the 1960s, the Nez Perce were heavily dependent upon fishing sites located on the mainstem of the Snake River and portions of the follow- ing tributary systems: Payette, Pine Creek, Powder River, Burnt River, Malheur River, Owyhee River, Tucannon River, Asotin River, Grande Ronde River, Imnaha River, Salmon River and some of its tributaries, and the Little Salmon River. It has been noted by my informants that after construction of the Hell's Canyon dams, many of the Nez Perce fishing sites throughout these tributary systems, as well as on the mainstem of the Snake River, were significantly reduced or entirely eliminated as productive sites. All of these latter sites lay outside of the current Nez Perce reservation but were guaranteed by Governor Stevens in the treaty of 1855 (see Stevens, 185560). Because these waters are not located within the present-day Nez Perce reservation, they have little if any input on the various factors affect- ing the salmon runs and have hampered efforts in cultural identity preser- vation. The jurisdictional complexity affecting salmon runs and Nez Perce fishing is extremely complex and cannot be covered here. However, just to note a degree of the complexity involved, those fish that cross the bar at the mouth of the Columbia River pass through more than a dozen jurisdictions before reaching their natal stream: the Washington Department of Fisheries, the Oregon Department of Fish and Game, the Columbia River Compact, the Pacific Northwest Electric Power Planning and Conservation Council, the Fish andWildlife Service (US Dept of the Interior),the National Marine Fisheries Service (US Dept of Commerce), the Bonneville Power Adminis- tration (US Dept of Energy), the Army Corp of Engineers (US Dept of Defense),the Bureau of Reclamation (US Dept of the Interior),the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (US Dept of Energy), the Columbia River Intertribal Fish Commission, the Warm Springs, Umatilla,Yakama, and Nez Perce tribes, and the Idaho Department of Fish and Game (Goble, 1999). Finally, it is important to note that there is no consensus among experts as to the actual impact of dams and the various techniques necessary for salmon survival associated with them, such as spill flows, barging, and ladders: Simply put, flow survival studies conducted over 8 years indicate that the impacts of flow augmentation on smolt survival are not measurable at best, may be neutral, and in some situations may decrease survival . . . ultimately the efficacy of transportation depends on the level of differential mortality. Few reliable estimates are available and 176 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) it appears to vary between species, over the season, and from year-to-year. (Anderson, 2001: 43) Furthermore, a recent study which reconstructed the past ~2200 years of Sockeye salmon abundance concluded that there was a marked, multi- century decline between 100 BC and AD 800 in salmon numbers, and that between 1200 and 1900 salmon were consistently more abundant (Finney et al., 2002). Thus, it is unclear whether the current remedial actions are working, or if the salmon are simply responding to climatic and oceanic factors that are slightly increasing their numbers. Preliminary Impact Findings The virtual destruction of anadromous fish runs on the Clearwater and Snake Rivers and their tributaries, resulting from construction and opera- tion of the Lewiston dams (Clearwater River) and Hell's Canyon dams (Snake River), has produced various direct and indirect impacts on the Nez Perce, some of which have already been briefly noted. In this section, three areas of preliminary findings are summarized under the following headings: (1) economic and subsistence impacts; (2) social impacts; and (3) spiritual impacts. These preliminary impact findings provide important qualitative data that indicate researchers need to begin to consider the possibility that access to, and utilization of natural resources, as well as a voice in the dialogue between scientists, policy-makers, and users concerning these natural resources are an integral component in a culture maintaining its identity, especially as it experiences radical change, as is currently taking place for many indigenous cultures around the world. As noted at the beginning of this article, Elias Canetti (1960) famously argued that neither language, territory, nor history are at the heart of what today we would call national (or cultural) identity. Instead, Canetti argued that what has contributed most to turning different individuals into conscious members of a particular culture is a cultural'crowd symbol'. Canetti showed that most European nations possessed one such symbol: for England, he maintained,it was the sea; for Germany it was the forest; and for Switzerland it was the mountains. For France, on the other hand, it was the Revolution that came to play this role (Canetti, 1960: 191203). As my ethnographic research indicates, salmon historically played such a role for the Nez Perce, and continues to for contemporary traditionalists.As one elder informed me: Traditional activities such as fishing, hunting, and gathering roots, berries, and medici- nal plants builds self-esteem for Nez Perce peoples. In this way, the salmon, the game, the roots, the berries, and the plants are the pillars of our world. Likewise, Ortner (1973: 1344) called this type of symbol a 'summarizing symbol'. These are 'primarily objects of attention and cultural respect; they Jones: Identity through Fishing 177 synthesize or "collapse" complex experience, and relate the respondent to the grounds of the system as a whole'. Therefore, my research findings not only corroborate Canetti's and Ortner's theories, but also indicate that a culture's identity can be maintained to a large extent in the face of radical social, historical, economic, and/or religious change if they can continue to have access to such 'crowd symbols' or 'key symbols'; in this case, salmon. Finally, it is important to note that Kawamura (2004) has recently argued that symbolic and political ecology among contemporary Nez Perce is directly tied to fishing, which further corroborates my argument of salmon playing a 'crowd symbol' role for the Nez Perce. Economic and Subsistence Impacts As noted, the Nez Perce historically and prehistorically fished throughout a large area traversed by the Clearwater and Snake Rivers and their tribu- taries.The Nez Perce were historically accustomed to some annual variation in the numbers of anadromous species ascending the Clearwater and Snake Rivers to spawn in their territory, though fishing has been a central and fundamental part of Nez Perce culture for at least two thousand years (if not much longer, see Ames et al., 1998; Jones, 2004). From this time perspec- tive, it is not difficult to appreciate the fundamental influence of the anadro- mous fish runs on the Nez Perce as they prepared for the runs' arrival, harvested the salmon, preserved them, and stored them for later use as food and as wealth in barter and trade. It is also noteworthy that some fishing was feasible for most of the year. For example, the Nez Perce have histori- cally fished for summer Sockeye, fall Steelhead and Coho, and Chinook throughout the spring, summer, and fall in the Clearwater and Snake Rivers and their tributaries, as well as other non-anadromous fish species through- out the year. As one informant recalled, 'The fall salmon run was very important because it was the one that allowed the Nez Perce to make it through the winter.' This is exemplified in their customary traditional response to the occasional shortages in anadromous fish runs by shifting their attention to other fish species and food resources such as antelope and buffalo and/or by traveling to other regions of the Columbia River drainage system more favored with anadromous runs at that time. Elizabeth Wilson, a Nez Perce woman born on the Clearwater in 1882, once observed that . . . salmon and steelhead were available almost year round. The steelhead came upstream from August through October and the people began catching them in November and on through the winter into February, March, and April. By June, the steelhead were gone. In July the Chinook salmon began migrating and were caught in August. 'So you see,' she concluded,'we could catch fish most of the year. That's the way nature provided for us' (Landeen and Pinkham, 1999: 92). 178 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) Despite the 1863 and 1868 reductions of their reservation, and in keeping with provisions of their treaty of 1855, the Nez Perce have continued to rely on the fishing sites provided by the Clearwater and Snake Rivers and their tributaries. Their reliance on Snake River fishing sites became even more important after the Harpster and Lewiston dams were constructed on the Clearwater River. In an effort to maintain their traditional subsistence prac- tices, my research indicates that the Nez Perce subsequently increased their use of Snake River system fishing sites until the Hell's Canyon dams were constructed. After construction of the latter, my informants remember experiencing the elimination of most of their remaining sites, and they also note that those sites that remained on the Snake River became less produc- tive than they had been previously. In fact, many believed they had come to the end of an era and they likened these dams and their effects to Grand Coulee dam, which in 1941 had destroyed over 1000 miles of salmon habitat. Many of my informants felt betrayed by these events, which signaled the end of their ability to follow a traditional economic and sub- sistence lifestyle. The impact of these events on the Nez Perce initially led to a sharp reduc- tion in their fishing sites and a marked shift to other natural food resources. They were also forced to become more reliant on the surrounding non- Indian economy in which they have historically participated as seasonal laborers. For the less fortunate tribal members, various forms of welfare were sometimes provided, but for many, further impoverishment resulted (Walker, 1968). Lane et al. (1981) have estimated that the current Nez Perce salmon harvests approximate less than 10 percent of their traditional pre- treaty harvest. As James Anderson has testified before Congress (2001), only within the last few years have biologists, scientists, and ecologists begun to understand the full impact of the construction of the dams on the Clearwater and Snake Rivers, as well as other rivers of the Columbia River system. Despite the reduction in salmon runs from cannery activities and dam construction, the Indian Claims Commission (19735) concluded for the Nez Perce that 'the economic cycle can generally be summarized as ten months of salmon fishing and two months of berry picking, with hunting most of the year' and 'that the principal items of food in the diet of the Nez Perce were roots, salmon, and other fish and game' (Landeen and Pinkham, 1999: 92). Furthermore, my informants' oral testimony indicates that they were acutely aware of the economic and subsistence impacts taking place during this time. It should be noted that while many fishing sites were eliminated or compromised by the dams and their subsequent impacts on the rivers, the Nez Perce were being impacted even further by the continuing develop- ment of agriculture and irrigated lands. The conversion of land into farms, ranches, and irrigated fields not only changed soil runoff properties which Jones: Identity through Fishing 179 muddied the water and impacted salmon survival, but it also eliminated many of the camas fields and displaced many of the antelope herds that the Nez Perce traditionally relied upon during low salmon years. Thus, during a time when the Nez Perce needed to rely more on their accorded fishing grounds, they could not because of damming and other environmental degradation to the fishing sites. My informants also claim that their current economic status is partly to be blamed on the construction of the dams on the Clearwater and Snake Rivers. When asked about possible reasons for their current status of residing below the poverty level, many of my informants indicated it is because they can no longer maintain a traditional diet, nor can they fish for a living as they traditionally had been able to. As one informant noted: It's not just the loss of fishing that has hurt us, all the fences now that are put up stops us from digging roots and gathering herbs. We can't go out and dig the roots or fish in our usual and accustomed places. Of the total 4082 registered Nez Perce, 3981 (97%) reside below the United States poverty level (see 2000 US Census). Furthermore, my informants link their inability to harvest salmon with their high prevalence of diabetes, as well as other health-related problems such as cardiovascular disease, obesity, and heart disease. Recent studies have confirmed this link. For example, consumption of salmon, high in omega-3 fatty acids, appears to lower the risk of glucose intolerance and possibly the rates of diabetes in American Indians (Adler et al., 1994). Similarly, American Indians on a traditional diet have unusually low prevalence of cardiovascular disease and cancer, two diseases that are rampant among the Nez Perce (Rhoades, 2000). One possible reason, as suggested by Bates and colleagues (1985), is that traditional diets have a high intake of eicosapentaenoic acid (EPA), which is thought to account for the high EPA and low arachidonic acid (AA) levels in traditional-diet American Indian plasma. American Indians who consume a traditional diet exceptionally rich in EPA (which is found abundantly in salmon) have high EPA and low AA levels in their blood. However, when eating non- traditional food, EPA levels are in the Euroamerican range. Therefore, as Bates and colleagues conclude (1985), the high EPA levels in traditional- diet American Indians can be attributed to diet, and this can be directly linked to overall health, as many traditional elders maintained during inter- views. Social Impacts Further evidence for the importance of fish in Nez Perce society and the impacts of the damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers can be seen in the direct influence that the fish runs had on their social and spiritual life. 180 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) According to my informants, intense social interaction along with various types of ceremonial activity centered on the times of peak salmon avail- ability. Because fish were historically vital to the subsistence of all Nez Perce families, special persons were selected to direct fishing activities and to ensure that the fish catch was equitably distributed among all families that claimed rights to the particular fishing site. These individuals were usually village headman who had special knowledge about fish runs and localities, as well as judicial abilities. Each band had its own chief or head man. Each band laid claim to the exclusive use of its particular valley and resented the intrusion of other members of the tribe into their domain. The basic reason for this social structure was the availability of food. (Drury, 1979: 56) The division of labor between men and women, as well as interfamily, inter- band, and tribal-wide cooperation and exchange, provided a framework for other economic, social, and political roles and activities in this historically highly integrated tribal society (Walker, 1998). As the opportunity to fish was removed, so were certain of their most important opportunities to interact socially and to achieve the social bonding and integration formerly provided by fishing and similar activities that are necessary for preservation of cultural identity. Other more individualized forms of social and economic values replaced the cooperation, sharing, and coordination of intergroup ties. Furthermore, as noted, many Nez Perce oral traditions focus on the salmon or aspects of fishing, and the telling of these oral traditions helped educate young members on important social norms and help them identify themselves as Nez Perce. As the salmon declined, my research indicates that so did the telling and relevance of these very important oral traditions, thus leading to a breakdown in the social norms of the tribe. Trade and barter were also essential components of the historical Nez Perce economy and social culture. Tribal members historically sought success in trade and barter in order to enhance their economic and social status (Anastasio, 1972). They acted as middlemen in a regional system extending from the western Great Plains to the central Northwest Coast. Similarly, the Nez Perce frequently traveled to major trade centers in order to trade and barter their fish and fish products. Historically, Nez Perce were well known as skilled traders, and they capitalized on opportunities presented by changing circumstances. For example, tribal members took advantage of the opportunities presented by the influx of traders and white settlers, becoming powerful middlemen in the newly developed economy and trade system between Euroamericans and American Indians (Anasta- sio, 1972; Stern, 1993). However, my research indicates that this socio- cultural system of economic exchange and social status accruement declined rapidly from the 1950s and 1960s with the construction of the dams on the Clearwater and Snake Rivers. My informants, especially the Jones: Identity through Fishing 181 traditional elders, claim that because of the inability to accrue social status through the exchange of salmon and other fish products, their social system has broken down, resulting partly in the high alcohol consumption rate evidenced in Nez Perce teenagers. Mutual interdependence is a hallmark of traditional Nez Perce kinship, family life, and social organization, an aspect that has been seriously impacted due to the construction of these dams. The mandatory generosity that governs Nez Perce social relations historically ensured that all tribal members received an adequate share of fish catches and harvests. This system of mandatory generosity and social redistribution also guaranteed that all tribal members were relatively equal in social status except for specific hunting or ceremonial roles. However, subsequent individual alien- ation and factional conflict have marked Nez Perce society during the past century. Although caused by various factors, the absence of the cooperative social bonding created by the unifying effect of fishing and related activi- ties has contributed to this according to elder informants. Many Nez Perce elders regard fishing as a time of great joy and renewal of interpersonal and intergroup ties. The opportunity to learn and transmit basic social values that have supported the Nez Perce as a unified tribal system and as a distinct people with a distinct identity linked with fish in the past has not, and will not, be easily replaced in their culture. Over the last century, as fishing locations were eliminated because of the construction of dams, agricultural developments, timber harvesting, and other processes, an immeasurable strain has been placed on contemporary traditional Nez Perce social solidarity, cohesion, and function. Finally, it is important to note that, as a result of these social impacts, aspects of Nez Perce mental health have suffered. There is a growing body of literature linking issues of cultural and social identity to an individual's mental health, such as that among South Africans and their identity after apartheid (Abdi, 1999; Udogu, 1999), or Indians and Pakistanis after the end of British colonial rule (Hazarika, 2004; Parkes, 1987). However, little, if any work has been done among American Indians investigating the correlation between identity, identity change, and mental health. Nor has there been much documentation carried out on aspects of family life, social solidarity, and cultural affiliation that are tied to an individual's mental health. My research indicates that when the Nez Perce's sense of identity or various social solidarities no longer seem valid or hold sway, their self- image suffers,and this can lead to depression,alcoholism,anxiety,stress,and many other mental health issues. As one informant said: 'The youth don't have a real identity anymore, they don't have pride, self-confidence, because they can't fish, we can't teach them in our usual and accustomed places.' My research also indicates that the salmon not only link the Nez Perce to their cultural identity, but that it also links them to what West (2002) has called 'place psychological experience'. That place psychological experience has a 182 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) dramatic influence on human perceptions and meanings, and a direct influ- ence on psychological well-being and overall health, is attested to in my research, and corroborates West's findings. Similarly, ties to land and location have been found essential to social and mental well being of other American Indian tribal groups (Begay and Maryboy, 2000; Csordas, 2000; Griffin-Pierce, 1997). These researchers found that when traditional Navajos leave their homeland to pursue educational and professional endeavors or to seek biomedical treatment, a sense of emotional dislocation can undermine their success. The emotional trauma experienced by these individuals goes far beyond mere homesick- ness because it is based on an unconscious sense of having violated the traditional moral order of the universe. My research indicates that a similar emotional dislocation has taken place among the Nez Perce, not because they have left their homeland, but because their sense of who they are as Nez Perce and their role within their culture's cosmology has been impacted by a lack of access to salmon. These last findings are also directly tied to the various spiritual impacts that the Nez Perce have experienced as a result of the damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers. Spiritual Impacts As an American Indian tribal people who have been forced to cope with overwhelming non-Indian pressures to abandon their culture, the Nez Perce have attempted to preserve their culture and sense of identity in many indirect ways. Ostensible reminders of their traditional religion and other aspects of their traditional culture were historically suppressed by federal and church authorities, ultimately contributing to the War of 1877 (see Josephy, 1965; Walker, 1968). Aside from their language, certain crafts and arts, the sweatbath, and related religious activities, the traditional hunting, gathering, and fishing activities were among the few affairs through which they could express and perpetuate their traditional beliefs, ceremonies, and values. Neither federal agents nor missionaries who suppressed Nez Perce culture during the late 1800s and early 1900s were able to appreciate the extent to which activities such as cooperative and communal fishing helped to perpetuate traditional Nez Perce culture and identity. The salmon, eel, and other fish species continue to occupy a significant place in Nez Perce mythology and religion. The Nez Perce gain special spiri- tual powers not only from the rivers but from all the creatures inhabiting rivers, especially salmon (Walker, 1967b, 1989). During my interviews numerous accounts were given of Nez Perce tribal members who had received and used such powers in their lives. Such spiritual power is thought to be socially beneficial, not only in economic and subsistence pursuits, but in activities such as healing, leadership, and many other areas of practical importance. The wisdom, confidence, and sense of identity gained from this Jones: Identity through Fishing 183 spiritual power exceed in importance anything gained through the education of Nez Perce youth in Christian and public schools according to traditional elders. The curtailment of Nez Perce fishing has, therefore, infringed dramatically on Nez Perce religious practice. Likewise, the Nez Perce philosophy of life centers on the tribe's relation- ship with nature. Their philosophy of life emphasizes the close physical and spiritual bond linking the tribe with the plants, animals, fish, birds, and other species on which they rely for survival. For example, one Nez Perce elder told me that . . . there is no difference between natural and cultural resources. We are tied to every- thing, we have our ceremonies and everything affects us. The salmon is a natural and cultural resource, there is no difference, they are part of us. Fish and fishing possess sacred meaning for the Nez Perce that is expressed in vision quests, spiritual power, and in ceremonial and ritual activity for both individuals and for the tribe as a whole. The sacred meaning attached to fish and fishing emphasizes the annual renewal of life associated with the passage of seasons and with the return of the salmon and other fish. It is believed that if the fish survive so will the Nez Perce. As one elder informed me: We learn a lot of lessons from watching animals. The salmon are one of our best teachers. We learn from them that we have to do certain things by the seasons. We watch the salmon as smolts going to the ocean and observe them returning home. We see them fulfill the circle of life, just as we must do. If the salmon aren't here, the circle becomes broken and we all suffer. The most fundamental aspect of traditional Nez Perce religious life is the vision quest, and the most fundamental belief is that human beings and nature exist in symbiotic and mutually interdependent relationships. These fundamentals of Nez Perce philosophy and religion persist and continue to form a fundamental component of Nez Perce culture and identity. The commencement of the fishing season was historically always accompanied by prescribed rituals and a ceremonial feast known as ka-oo-yit, where thanks was offered to the Creator and to the salmon for having returned to give themselves to the people as food (Landeen and Pinkham, 1999). This event, like many other Nez Perce religious activities, played a central role in maintaining the tribe's identity. My research indicates that construction of the dams on the Clearwater and Snake Rivers has had profound negative effects on traditional Nez Perce religion and spiritual life. Besides those already mentioned, my research indicates that these negative impacts are coupled with Nez Perce ideas surrounding identity and social values, and that this complex matrix has had a profound impact on Nez Perce physical and mental health. My informants acknowledge this link between their ability to practice their traditional religion and their sense of well being, identity, and health, and it 184 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) is interesting to note that several studies have recently found a similar link between religion and health (Astrow et al., 2001; Hackney and Sanders, 2003; Hill and Pargament, 2003; Marler and Hadaway, 2002; Miller and Thoresen, 2003; Seybold and Hill, 2001). To give but one example, one infor- mant told me: 'This does not allow us to be Nez Perce. If we can't hunt or fish, we lose our connection, our sense of self and identity as a people.' As Hackney and Sanders (2003) point out, religion is a multifaceted entity, incorporating cognitive, emotional, motivational, and behavioral aspects, all of which are tied to an individual's sense of identity and well being. Likewise, as Seybold and Hill conclude (2001), the relationship between religion and health is powerful and deserving of greater attention. Though most studies dealing with religion, identity, and well being have not been conducted with American Indians, two recent studies provide evidence that this link may be particularly deep among American Indians. Morse (2000) found a strong connection between identity and depressive symptomatology among the Mohawk. Similarly, Meisenhelder and Chandler (2000) found a strong link between frequency of prayer and mental health. This last aspect, an individual's frequency of religious activity, has also been found by other researchers to be an important component in overall well being (O'Connor et al., 2003). Thus, because the construction of these dams has flooded numerous sacred sites and greatly reduced salmon abundance, the Nez Perce have not been able to practice their traditional religious activities as frequently as they desire, thus hampering their ability to preserve their cultural identity. Conclusion The ethnographic evidence reviewed here indicates that the Nez Perce have occupied their present homeland for at least the past two millennia. That they may have occupied this same territory for a longer time is probable, with their homeland centered on the Snake and Clearwater Rivers and several tributaries. The Nez Perce, therefore, have been fishing people for the duration of their occupation of this territory and are a river-oriented people similar to other Plateau peoples of the Columbia Basin, i.e. the Sahaptian- and Salishan-speaking peoples, all of whom occupy river valleys and depend on rivers and their various resources for survival. Nez Perce historic subsistence reliance on the abundant aquatic fish resources in their territory has been estimated at one-third to one-half of their total traditional diet. Because of this reliance on fish the Nez Perce possess a vast inventory of traditional fishing techniques that have enabled them to take as many fish as needed. Furthermore, they also possess adequate means of preserving them for future use and have been able to accumulate a surplus for trade and barter and for use in times of shortage. Jones: Identity through Fishing 185 As reviewed in this article, ethnographic research indicates that fish and fishing activities are centralizing and integrating factors in traditional Nez Perce culture. Salmon occupy a symbolic role that the Nez Perce identify with in forming their cultural identity. The salmon have unified the Nez Perce as a tribe and given them historical continuity. Likewise, various aspects of Nez Perce social organization, as well as their division of labor, have been strongly conditioned by the seasonal fishing activities required to secure the catches necessary for the tribal economy to function properly. Other indications of the importance of fish and fishing activities can be seen, for example, in the Nez Perce language and in their origin myths. Finally, it has been suggested that because of this link to the salmon as a 'crowd symbol' or 'key symbol' (Canetti, 1960; Ortner, 1973), the Nez Perce continue to maintain their cultural identity in the face of the damaging impacts modernizing forces have brought. Chronic, as well as periodic, unemployment makes the reserved treaty right to hunt and fish and gather various natural resources a vital feature of their overall tribal economy, even though their fish resources have declined. As this article has argued, the impacts on the Nez Perce as a result of the damming the Clearwater and Snake Rivers are extensive. These impacts have caused drastic changes in Nez Perce subsistence and economy, social interaction, and spiritual life. However, as this article also argues, because salmon have continued to be available, though in ever shrinking quantities, the Nez Perce have been able to maintain much of their cultural identity in spite of these challenges. As one elder told me, referring to the decline of salmon and its interlocking effects with their culture, 'If you don't have knowledge of language and resources [e.g. salmon], then you lose sense of self; we lose our identity.' However,unless the salmon numbers increase and the Nez Perce gain more of a voice in the jurisdictional process governing salmon, water resources, and either the maintenance or removal of dams, the Nez Perce will continue to be dramatically affected and face serious challenges to the preservation of their cultural identity in the 21st century. Therefore, as long as the salmon survive, the Nez Perce traditional culture will survive, finding identity through fishing. NOTES 1. I use the Nez Perce orthography developed by Haruo Aoki (1970) and Haruo Aoki and Deward E. Walker, Jr (1989). 2. Long-term and ongoing fieldwork has been conducted since 2001. During this period I also was granted access to the fieldnotes of Deward E. Walker, Jr that were taken during the 1960s and 1970s. These notes remain in his possession in Boulder, CO. In the summer of 2002 I had the privilege to consult Gordon Hewes's fieldnotes that were recorded in the 1940s. Hewes's fieldnotes remain in a private collection located in Boulder. 186 Cultural Dynamics 17(2) 3. The quotations used throughout this article come from my fieldwork. All names and other identifying characteristics have been omitted. 4. This consumption rate is based on the wet,raw weight of the salmon,and depend- ing on drying and cooking techniques could change considerably. REFERENCES Abdi, Ali A. (1999) 'Identity Formations and Deformations in South Africa: A Historical and Contemporary Overview', Journal of Black Studies 30(2): 14763. Adler, A.I. et al. (1994) 'Lower Prevalence of Impaired Glucose Tolerance and Diabetes Associated with Daily Seal Oil or Salmon Consumption among Alaska Natives', Diabetes Care 17(12): 1498501. Ames, K. et al. 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Wissler, Clark (1917) The American Indian: An Introduction to the Anthropology of the New World. New York: Douglas C. McMurtrie. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE PETER N. JONES has worked as an applied anthropologist for the Bäuu Institute for the past eight years on NAGPRA, NRDA, cultural affiliation, and other issues. He is currently finishing a book on the cultural affiliation of American Indians in the Plateau and Great Basin regions and has published articles in leading anthro- pology, psychology, and native studies journals. Address: Peter N. Jones, Bäuu Institute, PO Box 4445, Boulder, CO 80306, USA. [email: pnj@bauuinstitute.com] 192 Cultural Dynamics 17(2)</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><notes><p>1. I use the Nez Perce orthography developed by Haruo Aoki (1970) and Haruo Aoki and Deward E. Walker, Jr (1989).</p><p>2. Long-term and ongoing fieldwork has been conducted since 2001. During this period I also was granted access to the fieldnotes of Deward E. Walker, Jr that were taken during the 1960s and 1970s. These notes remain in his possession in Boulder, CO. In the summer of 2002 I had the privilege to consult Gordon Hewes's fieldnotes that were recorded in the 1940s. Hewes's fieldnotes remain in a private collection located in Boulder.</p><p>3. The quotations used throughout this article come from my fieldwork. All names and other identifying characteristics have been omitted.</p><p>4. 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McMurtrie</publisher-name> .</citation></ref></ref-list></back></article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>Identity Through Fishing</title><subTitle>A Preliminary Analysis of Impacts to the Nez Perce as a Result of the Damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers</subTitle></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>Identity Through Fishing</title><subTitle>A Preliminary Analysis of Impacts to the Nez Perce as a Result of the Damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers</subTitle></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Peter N.</namePart><namePart type="family">Jones</namePart><affiliation>Bäuu Institute, Boulder, Colorado</affiliation></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article"></genre><originInfo><publisher>SAGE Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2005-07</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2005</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><physicalDescription><internetMediaType>text/html</internetMediaType></physicalDescription><abstract lang="en">Indigenous cultures throughout the world have struggled to maintain many of their traditional lifeways and cultural identity in the face of pressure from modernizing forces (industrialization, population and demographic changes, globalization, and modern socioeconomic and sociopolitical forces). These forces have particularly affected the Nez Perce of the Plateau culture area in north-western North America. This article discusses how these forces have impacted the Nez Perce for well over a hundred years, though major impacts did not begin until the damming of the Clearwater and Snake Rivers, when access to salmon became an issue. In this regard, the Nez Perce are an informative case in the study of cultural preservation, cultural change, and cultural identity in the face of these forces. Using Elias Canetti's idea of ‘crowd symbol’ and Sherry Ortner's idea of ‘key symbol’, this article argues that salmon play a similar role in the formation and maintenance of Nez Perce cultural preservation and identity.</abstract><subject><genre>keywords</genre><topic>cultural identity</topic><topic>fishing</topic><topic>indigenous people</topic><topic>key symbols</topic><topic>Nez Perce</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Cultural Dynamics</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">0921-3740</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1461-7048</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">CDY</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spcdy</identifier><part><date>2005</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>17</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>2</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>155</start><end>192</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">A1B3459BACBB02A4C88C58681190707AA71BC91E</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/0921374005058584</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_0921374005058584</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource>SAGE</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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