Is Ireland worth bothering about? Classical perceptions of Ireland revisited in Renaissance Italy
Identifieur interne : 001D64 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001D63; suivant : 001D65Is Ireland worth bothering about? Classical perceptions of Ireland revisited in Renaissance Italy
Auteurs : G. HaywoodSource :
- International Journal of the Classical Tradition [ 1073-0508 ] ; 1996-03-01.
Abstract
Abstract: Whereas in late medieval Italy, Ireland was viewed positively, Renaissance writers had little time for it. This changed attitude is ascribable to the rediscovery of ancient geographers, especially Strabo, for whom Ireland marked the end of the known world and was thus of no concern to theoikoumene, whilst at the same time guaranteeing, by its very position and savagery, the integrity of that Rome-centered world. This view continued to hold sway even after the discovery of the New World, which it also in fact helped to make sense of: the savages of the New World being “Irish-like,” the edge of theoikoumene had not moved further out but simply got thicker, and its center was thus still in Rome. Only for a while in the mid-sixteenth century did Italians take any real interest in Ireland, producing two original descriptions of the country, both, however, in the name of that sameoikoumene: one (negative) to prove the inevitability of Ireland's papally ordained submission to England, the other (positive) to depict the Irish as potential allies against the “anti-ecumenical” menace of Henry VIII. But the Irish were soon of little interest again, except for the (Horatian) entertainment value they provided.
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DOI: 10.1007/BF02677885
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Classical perceptions of Ireland revisited in Renaissance Italy</title><author><name sortKey="Haywood, G" sort="Haywood, G" uniqKey="Haywood G" first="G." last="Haywood">G. Haywood</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation>Department of Italian, University College Dublin, Dublin, 4, Ireland</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author></analytic><monogr></monogr><series><title level="j">International Journal of the Classical Tradition</title><title level="j" type="abbrev">International Journal of the Classical Tradition</title><idno type="ISSN">1073-0508</idno><idno type="eISSN">1874-6292</idno><imprint><publisher>Springer-Verlag</publisher><pubPlace>New York</pubPlace><date type="published" when="1996-03-01">1996-03-01</date><biblScope unit="volume">2</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">4</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="467">467</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="486">486</biblScope></imprint><idno type="ISSN">1073-0508</idno></series><idno type="istex">531C4C3C05C43D61A8DC32CD15B066530895FF71</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1007/BF02677885</idno><idno type="ArticleID">Art2</idno><idno type="ArticleID">BF02677885</idno></biblStruct></sourceDesc><seriesStmt><idno type="ISSN">1073-0508</idno></seriesStmt></fileDesc><profileDesc><textClass></textClass><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage></profileDesc></teiHeader><front><div type="abstract" xml:lang="en">Abstract: Whereas in late medieval Italy, Ireland was viewed positively, Renaissance writers had little time for it. This changed attitude is ascribable to the rediscovery of ancient geographers, especially Strabo, for whom Ireland marked the end of the known world and was thus of no concern to theoikoumene, whilst at the same time guaranteeing, by its very position and savagery, the integrity of that Rome-centered world. This view continued to hold sway even after the discovery of the New World, which it also in fact helped to make sense of: the savages of the New World being “Irish-like,” the edge of theoikoumene had not moved further out but simply got thicker, and its center was thus still in Rome. Only for a while in the mid-sixteenth century did Italians take any real interest in Ireland, producing two original descriptions of the country, both, however, in the name of that sameoikoumene: one (negative) to prove the inevitability of Ireland's papally ordained submission to England, the other (positive) to depict the Irish as potential allies against the “anti-ecumenical” menace of Henry VIII. But the Irish were soon of little interest again, except for the (Horatian) entertainment value they provided.</div></front></TEI><istex><corpusName>springer</corpusName><author><json:item><name>Eric G. Haywood</name><affiliations><json:string>Department of Italian, University College Dublin, Dublin, 4, Ireland</json:string></affiliations></json:item></author><articleId><json:string>Art2</json:string><json:string>BF02677885</json:string></articleId><language><json:string>eng</json:string></language><abstract>Abstract: Whereas in late medieval Italy, Ireland was viewed positively, Renaissance writers had little time for it. This changed attitude is ascribable to the rediscovery of ancient geographers, especially Strabo, for whom Ireland marked the end of the known world and was thus of no concern to theoikoumene, whilst at the same time guaranteeing, by its very position and savagery, the integrity of that Rome-centered world. This view continued to hold sway even after the discovery of the New World, which it also in fact helped to make sense of: the savages of the New World being “Irish-like,” the edge of theoikoumene had not moved further out but simply got thicker, and its center was thus still in Rome. Only for a while in the mid-sixteenth century did Italians take any real interest in Ireland, producing two original descriptions of the country, both, however, in the name of that sameoikoumene: one (negative) to prove the inevitability of Ireland's papally ordained submission to England, the other (positive) to depict the Irish as potential allies against the “anti-ecumenical” menace of Henry VIII. 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This changed attitude is ascribable to the rediscovery of ancient geographers, especially Strabo, for whom Ireland marked the end of the known world and was thus of no concern to the<Emphasis Type="Italic">oikoumene</Emphasis>, whilst at the same time guaranteeing, by its very position and savagery, the integrity of that Rome-centered world. This view continued to hold sway even after the discovery of the New World, which it also in fact helped to make sense of: the savages of the New World being “Irish-like,” the edge of the<Emphasis Type="Italic">oikoumene</Emphasis> had not moved further out but simply got thicker, and its center was thus still in Rome. Only for a while in the mid-sixteenth century did Italians take any real interest in Ireland, producing two original descriptions of the country, both, however, in the name of that same<Emphasis Type="Italic">oikoumene</Emphasis>: one (negative) to prove the inevitability of Ireland's papally ordained submission to England, the other (positive) to depict the Irish as potential allies against the “anti-ecumenical” menace of Henry VIII. But the Irish were soon of little interest again, except for the (Horatian) entertainment value they provided.</Para></Abstract><ArticleNote Type="Misc"><SimplePara>This article is based on a paper given at the Third Meeting of the International Society for the Classical Trandition (ISCT), held at Boston University, March 8–12, 1995.</SimplePara></ArticleNote></ArticleHeader><NoBody></NoBody></Article></Issue></Volume></Journal></Publisher></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>Is Ireland worth bothering about? Classical perceptions of Ireland revisited in Renaissance Italy</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" contentType="CDATA" lang="en"><title>Is Ireland worth bothering about? Classical perceptions of Ireland revisited in Renaissance Italy</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Eric</namePart><namePart type="given">G.</namePart><namePart type="family">Haywood</namePart><affiliation>Department of Italian, University College Dublin, Dublin, 4, Ireland</affiliation><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="OriginalPaper"></genre><originInfo><publisher>Springer-Verlag</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">New York</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1996-03-01</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">1996</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm></language><physicalDescription><internetMediaType>text/html</internetMediaType></physicalDescription><abstract lang="en">Abstract: Whereas in late medieval Italy, Ireland was viewed positively, Renaissance writers had little time for it. This changed attitude is ascribable to the rediscovery of ancient geographers, especially Strabo, for whom Ireland marked the end of the known world and was thus of no concern to theoikoumene, whilst at the same time guaranteeing, by its very position and savagery, the integrity of that Rome-centered world. This view continued to hold sway even after the discovery of the New World, which it also in fact helped to make sense of: the savages of the New World being “Irish-like,” the edge of theoikoumene had not moved further out but simply got thicker, and its center was thus still in Rome. Only for a while in the mid-sixteenth century did Italians take any real interest in Ireland, producing two original descriptions of the country, both, however, in the name of that sameoikoumene: one (negative) to prove the inevitability of Ireland's papally ordained submission to England, the other (positive) to depict the Irish as potential allies against the “anti-ecumenical” menace of Henry VIII. But the Irish were soon of little interest again, except for the (Horatian) entertainment value they provided.</abstract><note>This article is based on a paper given at the Third Meeting of the International Society for the Classical Trandition (ISCT), held at Boston University, March 8–12, 1995.</note><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>International Journal of the Classical Tradition</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="abbreviated"><title>International Journal of the Classical Tradition</title></titleInfo><genre type="Journal" displayLabel="Archive Journal"></genre><originInfo><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1996-03-01</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">1996</copyrightDate></originInfo><subject><genre>Journal Subject Group</genre><topic authority="SpringerSubjectCodes" authorityURI="V">Humanities / Arts</topic><topic authority="SpringerSubjectCodes" authorityURI="V21000">Classical Studies</topic><topic authority="SpringerSubjectCodes" authorityURI="N29000">Languages and Literature</topic><topic authority="SpringerSubjectCodes" authorityURI="V30000">Arts</topic></subject><identifier type="ISSN">1073-0508</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1874-6292</identifier><identifier type="JournalID">12138</identifier><identifier type="IssueArticleCount">10</identifier><identifier type="VolumeIssueCount">4</identifier><part><date>1996</date><detail type="volume"><number>2</number><caption>vol.</caption></detail><detail type="issue"><number>4</number><caption>no.</caption></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>467</start><end>486</end></extent></part><recordInfo><recordOrigin>Springer, 1996</recordOrigin></recordInfo></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">531C4C3C05C43D61A8DC32CD15B066530895FF71</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1007/BF02677885</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">Art2</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">BF02677885</identifier><accessCondition type="use and reproduction" contentType="copyright">Transaction Publishers</accessCondition><recordInfo><recordContentSource>SPRINGER</recordContentSource><recordOrigin>Transaction Publishers, 1996</recordOrigin></recordInfo></mods></metadata><enrichments><istex:refBibTEI uri="https://api.istex.fr/document/531C4C3C05C43D61A8DC32CD15B066530895FF71/enrichments/refBib"><teiHeader></teiHeader><text><front></front><body></body><back><listBibl><biblStruct xml:id="b0"><analytic><title level="a" type="main">Tifemas translation of Strabo was printed in Rome (by Sweynheym & Pannartz) in 1469, the Greek text was first published, by the Aldine press, in 1516, and the Italian translation, by Buonacciuoli, came out in Venice (Senese) in 1562--65. For more on the Renaissance reception of Strabo see: G. Salmeri, "Tra politica e antiquaria: lettura di Strabone nel XV e XVI secolo</title></analytic><monogr><title level="m">Strabone e l'Italia antica</title><editor>G. Maddoli</editor><meeting><address><addrLine>Naples</addrLine></address></meeting><imprint><publisher>Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane</publisher><date type="published" when="1988"></date><biblScope unit="page" from="289" to="312"></biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct><biblStruct xml:id="b1"><monogr><title level="m" type="main">1) writes: "L'Europa... hebbe in questo nostro hemispero, se ben la minore, la pi~ bella, & la pift habitata parte, tanto dell'Asia, quanto dell'Africa.., circondandola nel meriggio, e nell'Oriente questo nostro MediterraneoEurope occupied in this our hemisphere, even though the smallest, yet the most beautiful and populated part, compared with both Asia and Africa, being surrounded to the south and the east by this our Mediterranean")) includes Ireland in "questa felice parte</title><imprint><publisher>D'Anania ( Universalefabrica</publisher></imprint></monogr><note>oltra. l'IsoIa d'Hirlanda, & d'Inghilterra . . ." ("This happy land includes, in the temperate zone, besides the island of</note></biblStruct><biblStruct xml:id="b2"><monogr><title level="m" type="main">Anglicae historiae libri, p. 220): "rex per legatos quamprimum Alexandrum oravit, ut Hyberniam quam ipse nuper domuerat, ad regnum Angliae sua autoritate adiungeret, quod haud gravat~ fecit pontifex: narn cure nihil inde emolumenti haberet, & Hyberni rudes atque sylvestres matrimonium (singuli enim pro opibus, quisque quamplurimas uxores habebant) multaque alia quae nostrae religionis sunt, nondurn recte servarent, est arbitratus illos cultiores</title><author><persName><forename type="first">Ii</forename><surname>Alexander</surname></persName></author><author><persName><surname>To The English</surname></persName></author><author><persName><surname>King</surname></persName></author><author><persName><forename type="first">Ii</forename><surname>Henry</surname></persName></author><author><persName><surname>Polydori</surname></persName></author><imprint></imprint></monogr><note>rerumque. divinarum peritiores fore, si uni duntaxat regi Christiano potentissimo parerent</note></biblStruct><biblStruct xml:id="b3"><analytic><title level="a" type="main">but access to this information may be restricted My view of a "return to Ptolemy," as it were, does not square entirely with the interpretation of A. Quondam's thought-provoking Culture et socidtd en Italie du moyen-F~ge ?l la Renaissance: hommage ?~ Andr~ Rochon, Centre Interuniversitaire de Recherche sur la Renaissance Italienne, no. 13, Paris There is not sufficient space here to take issue with Quondam, and I leave that for another occasion. This, for instance, is what Pius II saysScribendi ordo sic erit: quae propter nostrum aevum gesta sunt memoratu digna . . . enarrare curabimus Et quoniam rerum quas scribimus . . . campus est ipse terrarum orbis . . . pauca de ipso in communi attingenda sunt, priusquam parteis ejus & locorum historiam aggrediamurThe order in which I shall proceed is as follows: I shall make it my case to recount those events of our age which are worth recalling And since the world itself is the field of the things I write about, I shall first make a few general remarks about it, before dealing with its various parts and the history of its places"). Over a century and a half later</title><author><persName><surname>De ) Scrivere La Terra</surname></persName></author><author><persName><surname>Ii Discorso Geografico Da</surname></persName></author></analytic><monogr><title level="m">There should be plentiful information about attitudes to and links with Ireland in Church archives</title><editor>A.S. Piccolomini</editor><meeting><address><addrLine>Cosmographia, Helmstedt, Sustermann ; Botero (Relationi, Pt I</addrLine></address></meeting><imprint><publisher>Lib. IV</publisher><date type="published" when="1699"></date><biblScope unit="page" from="11" to="35"></biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct><biblStruct xml:id="b4"><analytic><title level="a" type="main">Quaderni deU'Istituto nazionale di studi sul rinascimento meridionale See too: C. van Paassen, "L'eredit~ della geografia greca classica: Tolomeo e Strabone</title><author><persName><forename type="first">D</forename><surname>Defilippis</surname></persName></author></analytic><monogr><title level="m">Geografia e geografi nel mondo antico. Guida storica e critica</title><editor>F. Prontera</editor><meeting><address><addrLine>Bari, Laterza</addrLine></address></meeting><imprint><date type="published" when="1983"></date><biblScope unit="page" from="23" to="64"></biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct><biblStruct xml:id="b5"><monogr><title level="m" type="main">Anglicae historiae libriMiracula autem Hyberniae . . . repetere supervacaneum duximus, arbitrantes nos satis de ea insula hic apposite dixisse. Ceterum unde digressi sumus iam revertamur" ("I considered it superfluous to dwell on the wonders of Ireland, having properly dealt here, in my opinion</title><author><persName><surname>Polydofi</surname></persName></author><imprint></imprint></monogr></biblStruct><biblStruct xml:id="b6"><monogr><title level="m" type="main">Iovii Opera, IX, p. 89. The "histories" which have been "set aside" are Giovio's better-known Historiarum sui temporis libri</title><imprint></imprint></monogr></biblStruct><biblStruct xml:id="b7"><analytic><title level="a" type="main">deliberai de cercare, se alcuna cosa degna di laude ritrovar potessi, che a lettori, non tanto fosse di giovamento, quanto nelle Ior menti alcuno piacevole diletto essi ne prendesse [sic]... delle isole del mondo.., io intendo di ragionare" ("I decided to see if anything praiseworthy could be found, which would not so much be useful to readers, as allow their minds the pleasure of enjoyment.., of the islands of the world... I intend to speak"). The same words are used by Porcacchi at the end of the century (T. Porcacchi, L'isole pifa famose del mondo, Venice, Galignani, 1604, proem, no pag.): "non ho voluto lasciar di mettermi a cosi animosa impresa per giovare & dilettare . . . a coloro che dello studio della Geographia si dilettano" ("I did not wish to refrain from such a daring undertaking</title><author><persName><forename type="first">Benedetto</forename><surname>Libro Di</surname></persName></author><author><persName><surname>Bordone</surname></persName></author></analytic><monogr><title level="m">At the beginning of the 16th century Bordone writes</title><imprint></imprint></monogr><note>in. order to be useful and pleasing.., to those who take pleasure in the study of geography")</note></biblStruct></listBibl></back></text></istex:refBibTEI></enrichments><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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