Musical Taste And Social Structure In Taiwan
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- Comparative Sociology [ 1569-1322 ] ; 2012.
Abstract
Abstract Research in the comparative cultural sociology of musical taste has been confined to Western societies. The present study tests hypotheses from Western research in a culturally different, East Asian society, Taiwan. The 1992 Taiwan survey asked a representative sample of the population which of ten types of music they liked or disliked. To a large extent, the Taiwan findings replicate those in the West. For example, high status, younger people are more likely to be omnivores, liking both highbrow and lowbrow music, while low status, older people tend toward the univore pole. The ten types of musical taste can be clustered into three more general, culturally distinct taste audiences.
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DOI: 10.1163/156913312X621640
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Marsh</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation>Brown University, Department of Sociology</mods:affiliation></affiliation><affiliation><mods:affiliation>E-mail: Robert_Marsh@Brown.edu</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author></titleStmt><publicationStmt><idno type="wicri:source">ISTEX</idno><idno type="RBID">ISTEX:715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03</idno><date when="2012" year="2012">2012</date><idno type="doi">10.1163/156913312X621640</idno><idno type="url">https://api.istex.fr/document/715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03/fulltext/pdf</idno><idno type="wicri:Area/Istex/Corpus">000552</idno></publicationStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct><analytic><title level="a">Musical Taste And Social Structure In Taiwan</title><author wicri:is="90%"><name sortKey="Marsh, Robert M" sort="Marsh, Robert M" uniqKey="Marsh R" first="Robert M." last="Marsh">Robert M. Marsh</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation>Brown University, Department of Sociology</mods:affiliation></affiliation><affiliation><mods:affiliation>E-mail: Robert_Marsh@Brown.edu</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author></analytic><monogr></monogr><series><title level="j">Comparative Sociology</title><title level="j" type="abbrev">COSO</title><idno type="ISSN">1569-1322</idno><idno type="eISSN">1569-1330</idno><imprint><publisher>Brill</publisher><pubPlace>Netherlands</pubPlace><date type="published" when="2012">2012</date><biblScope unit="volume">11</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">4</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="493">493</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="525">525</biblScope></imprint><idno type="ISSN">1569-1322</idno></series><idno type="istex">715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1163/156913312X621640</idno><idno type="href">15691330_011_04_S01_text.pdf</idno></biblStruct></sourceDesc><seriesStmt><idno type="ISSN">1569-1322</idno></seriesStmt></fileDesc><profileDesc><textClass></textClass><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage></profileDesc></teiHeader><front><div type="abstract">Abstract Research in the comparative cultural sociology of musical taste has been confined to Western societies. The present study tests hypotheses from Western research in a culturally different, East Asian society, Taiwan. The 1992 Taiwan survey asked a representative sample of the population which of ten types of music they liked or disliked. To a large extent, the Taiwan findings replicate those in the West. For example, high status, younger people are more likely to be omnivores, liking both highbrow and lowbrow music, while low status, older people tend toward the univore pole. The ten types of musical taste can be clustered into three more general, culturally distinct taste audiences.</div></front></TEI><istex><corpusName>brill-journals</corpusName><author><json:item><name>Robert M. 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The present study tests hypotheses from Western research in a culturally different, East Asian society, Taiwan. The 1992 Taiwan survey asked a representative sample of the population which of ten types of music they liked or disliked. To a large extent, the Taiwan findings replicate those in the West. For example, high status, younger people are more likely to be omnivores, liking both highbrow and lowbrow music, while low status, older people tend toward the univore pole. The ten types of musical taste can be clustered into three more general, culturally distinct taste audiences.</abstract><qualityIndicators><score>6.32</score><pdfVersion>1.3</pdfVersion><pdfPageSize>453.6 x 680.4 pts</pdfPageSize><refBibsNative>true</refBibsNative><keywordCount>6</keywordCount><abstractCharCount>700</abstractCharCount><pdfWordCount>10623</pdfWordCount><pdfCharCount>63639</pdfCharCount><pdfPageCount>33</pdfPageCount><abstractWordCount>110</abstractWordCount></qualityIndicators><title>Musical Taste And Social Structure In Taiwan</title><genre><json:string>research-article</json:string></genre><host><volume>11</volume><pages><last>525</last><first>493</first></pages><issn><json:string>1569-1322</json:string></issn><issue>4</issue><genre></genre><language><json:string>unknown</json:string></language><eissn><json:string>1569-1330</json:string></eissn><title>Comparative Sociology</title></host><publicationDate>2012</publicationDate><copyrightDate>2012</copyrightDate><doi><json:string>10.1163/156913312X621640</json:string></doi><id>715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03</id><fulltext><json:item><original>true</original><mimetype>application/pdf</mimetype><extension>pdf</extension><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03/fulltext/pdf</uri></json:item><json:item><original>false</original><mimetype>application/zip</mimetype><extension>zip</extension><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03/fulltext/zip</uri></json:item><istex:fulltextTEI uri="https://api.istex.fr/document/715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03/fulltext/tei"><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title level="a">Musical Taste And Social Structure In Taiwan</title></titleStmt><publicationStmt><authority>ISTEX</authority><publisher>Brill</publisher><pubPlace>Netherlands</pubPlace><availability><p>BRILL Journals</p></availability><date>2012</date></publicationStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct type="inbook"><analytic><title level="a">Musical Taste And Social Structure In Taiwan</title><author><persName><forename type="first">Robert M.</forename><surname>Marsh</surname></persName><email>Robert_Marsh@Brown.edu</email><affiliation>Brown University, Department of Sociology</affiliation></author></analytic><monogr><title level="j">Comparative Sociology</title><title level="j" type="abbrev">COSO</title><idno type="pISSN">1569-1322</idno><idno type="eISSN">1569-1330</idno><imprint><publisher>Brill</publisher><pubPlace>Netherlands</pubPlace><date type="published" when="2012"></date><biblScope unit="volume">11</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">4</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="493">493</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="525">525</biblScope></imprint></monogr><idno type="istex">715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1163/156913312X621640</idno><idno type="href">15691330_011_04_S01_text.pdf</idno></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc><profileDesc><creation><date>2012</date></creation><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage><abstract><p>Abstract Research in the comparative cultural sociology of musical taste has been confined to Western societies. 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The ten types of musical taste can be clustered into three more general, culturally distinct taste audiences.</p></abstract><textClass><keywords scheme="keyword"><list><head>Keywords</head><item><term>musical taste</term></item><item><term>univore</term></item><item><term>omnivore</term></item><item><term>age-education niche</term></item><item><term>highbrow</term></item><item><term>aesthetic distancing</term></item></list></keywords></textClass></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="2012">Created</change><change when="2012">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI><json:item><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><extension>txt</extension><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03/fulltext/txt</uri></json:item></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="corpus brill-journals not found" wicri:toSee="no header"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v2.3 20070202//EN" URI="http://dtd.nlm.nih.gov/publishing/2.3/journalpublishing.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><article article-type="research-article"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="e-issn">15691330</journal-id><journal-title>Comparative Sociology</journal-title><abbrev-journal-title>COSO</abbrev-journal-title><issn pub-type="ppub">1569-1322</issn><issn pub-type="epub">1569-1330</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Brill</publisher-name><publisher-loc>Netherlands</publisher-loc></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1163/156913312X621640</article-id><title-group><article-title>Musical Taste And Social Structure In Taiwan<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN0">*</xref></article-title></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><name><surname>Marsh</surname><given-names>Robert M.</given-names></name><aff><institution>Brown University, Department of Sociology</institution><email>Robert_Marsh@Brown.edu</email></aff></contrib></contrib-group><pub-date pub-type="epub"><year>2012</year></pub-date><volume>11</volume><issue>4</issue><fpage>493</fpage><lpage>525</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2012</copyright-year><copyright-holder>Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</copyright-holder></permissions><self-uri content-type="pdf" xlink:href="15691330_011_04_S01_text.pdf"></self-uri><abstract><sec><title><bold>Abstract</bold></title><p>Research in the comparative cultural sociology of musical taste has been confined to Western societies. The present study tests hypotheses from Western research in a culturally different, East Asian society, Taiwan. The 1992 Taiwan survey asked a representative sample of the population which of ten types of music they liked or disliked. To a large extent, the Taiwan findings replicate those in the West. For example, high status, younger people are more likely to be omnivores, liking both highbrow and lowbrow music, while low status, older people tend toward the univore pole. The ten types of musical taste can be clustered into three more general, culturally distinct taste audiences.</p></sec></abstract><kwd-group><kwd>musical taste</kwd><kwd>univore</kwd><kwd>omnivore</kwd><kwd>age-education niche</kwd><kwd>highbrow</kwd><kwd>aesthetic distancing</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><body><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_001" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Musical Taste and Social Structure in Taiwan</bold></title><p>Sociological studies of musical taste have attempted to answer the following questions. What types of music are most (and least) liked in a given society? To what extent does liking a specific type of music vary with socio-demographic and social class variables? Can we speak of the linkage between class and musical taste as a hierarchy in which, for example, “highbrow” music is that liked by elites and those in higher social class positions, “middlebrow” music is preferred by those in middling class positions, and “lowbrow” music is the province of the lower classes? More recent research has indicated that high status people changed their musical tastes in such a way that they are now musical “omnivores” – professing to like <italic>many</italic> forms of music, not just “highbrow” music – while it is lower status persons who are the musical univores. The concept of musical <italic>niche</italic> was introduced, defined as a region of social space where a given type of music is liked, a space from which the music most heavily draws its resources, e.g., sales revenue from performance and celebrity status appeal.</p><p>Empirical answers to these questions have been sought only in Western societies in Europe, North America and Australia (for citations, see Peterson 2005: 261). We need data from other parts of the world if we are to know how robust our knowledge is. As a contribution to this end, this paper explores these issues in Taiwan.</p></sec><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_002" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Earlier Studies of the Sociology of Musical Taste</bold></title><p>Gans (1974, 1999) developed the concept of <italic>taste cultures</italic>, which correspond to a diversity of <italic>taste publics</italic>, defined as unorganized aggregates of people who share similar values and aesthetic standards in music (art, etc.). Socioeconomic status (SES) is the major source of differentiation among taste cultures. Of three SES factors – education, occupation and income – Gans believed education is the most important predictor of taste.</p><p>The relationship between social class and the consumption of art and music was placed in an historical perspective by DiMaggio and Useem (1978), and DiMaggio (1982) charted the way in which cultural entrepreneurship in 19th century Boston, by the founding of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, institutionalized classical music as having high aesthetic value relative to other forms of music. A highly influential theoretical contribution was made by Bourdieu (1984) in his book on <italic>Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste</italic>. In Bourdieu’s theory, cultural capital is a means of controlling resources and reinforcing a social structure that gives consumers of highbrow culture an advantage over consumers of lowbrow culture. Persons of high social status are musical snobs, univores who distance themselves from more popular and “lower” forms of music.</p><p>In the 1990s Peterson and Simkus (1992) and Peterson and Kern (1996) challenged the earlier view that the upper class are musical snobs. Using American survey data on taste for 13 types of music by 19 occupational status groups, Peterson and Simkus found that people in higher status occupations like not only classical music, but also folk music, jazz, country and western, and other types of music. But age is also an important marker of taste: older Americans are more likely to prefer classical, big band, hymns and gospel music; rock is liked almost exclusively by the young, and country/western, mood, and middle of the road music by those of intermediate age.</p><p>The main discovery Peterson and his associates made is that while classical music still constitutes what Bourdieu called cultural capital, high status people have changed from being snobbish musical univores to being omnivores. The taste-exclusive highbrow is disappearing. In contrast, lower status persons are more likely to favor only one type of music, e.g., religious <italic>or</italic> country and western <italic>or</italic> blues <italic>or</italic> rap. This account of high status omnivores and low status univores is also found in Ollivier and Fridman (2001).</p><p>Bryson (1996) analyzed 1993 GSS data concerning which of 18 kinds of music Americans <italic>dislike</italic> the most. In part, her findings support Peterson and Simkus: the higher one’s education, the fewer the musical genres one <italic>dislikes</italic>. Educated people are not snobs who dislike most non-elite musical genres. Han (2003) extended this finding by noting that as musical taste has shifted to an omnivore-univore axis, it is not simply that people of high status like more genres of music, but that they <italic>dislike</italic> fewer genres, and they also know more about the various genres than do people of lower status. But Bryson also found that the music most disliked by the educated is the kind most appreciated by those with low education, which is more in line with Bourdieu than with Peterson and Simkus.</p><p>A study of “heterology in Americans’ musical preferences” (Garcia-Alvarez, Katz-Gerro and Lopez-Sintas 2007) has implications for both the Bourdieu elitist model and the Peterson omnivore model. Bourdieu’s “highbrow taste” was measured as a dummy variable with a value of 1 if the respondent liked classical music, chamber music and opera; 0 otherwise. “Lowbrow distaste” identified respondents who rejected the most popular American musical genres by stating that they liked neither country and western nor bluegrass music. Bourdieu’s “highbrows” formed a miniscule 2.8% of the sample. Peterson’s “highbrow omnivores,” those who have highbrow and lowbrow tastes simultaneously, were 6.5% of the sample. The remaining 91% of the sample were “non-highbrows”, with either lowbrow taste (47.5%) or a distaste for most types of music, both highbrow and lowbrow (43.3%).</p><p>When the high status musical omnivore thesis was tested in the Netherlands (van Eijck 2001), both similarities to and differences from the United Status were found. Though high status Dutch respondents liked more kinds of music than those of low status, the differences were small. Factor analysis of the combinatorial logic by which liking for specific musical genres can be clustered into more general patterns revealed four basic “musical discourses”: folk, highbrow, pop, and new omnivore. The reason differences in omnivorousness between status groups were not as marked as in the U.S. is that the Dutch higher status groups consist of both (1) highbrows – musically exclusive, snobbish people who like nothing but classical music, and (2) new omnivores whose tastes cut across highbrow, pop and folk styles.</p><p>Harrison-Rexrode, Hughes and Ryan (2007) asked how American musical taste differs from that of van Eijck’s 2001 Dutch sample. They used the 2002 U.S. Survey for Public Participation in the Arts, concerning taste for 21 genres of music. Two of their main findings are that, unlike Peterson, education is a better predictor of omnivore taste than is occupation, and that at all status levels, Americans are more omnivorous than the Dutch.</p><p>A study of musical fields in the United Kingdom (Savage 2006) found that age is the most important factor differentiating taste. Older people like country and western and classical music, younger people prefer other genres. Education is also important, with university graduates attracted to all kinds of music except country and western. Occupation rarely explains preferences for classical music once education is held constant. Classsical music is still the clearest marker of “educated” musical taste.</p><p>It is clear from the above review that one of the major issues in the study of musical taste is the relative importance of Bourdieu’s elitist theory versus Peterson’s omnivore model.</p><p>Another line of theoretical development has asked the question: through what mechanisms do people come to like (or dislike) a certain type of music? Noah Mark’s theory (1998, 2003) is based on the following assumptions. Musical preferences spread through <italic>social network ties</italic>. The principle of homophily states that people who are similar in socio-demographic characteristics are more likely to interact with each other than are those dissimilar (birds of a feather flock together). Therefore, people will come to like the kinds of music that are preferred by people similar to themselves.</p><p>We saw earlier that socio-demographic and class variables are widely recognized as causes of musical taste. Mark argues that among demographic variables, age, and among SES variables, education is of particular importance in shaping musical taste. He proposed the concept that a <italic>niche</italic> is the region of socio-demographic space defined by age and education where a type of music is most liked, and from which it most heavily draws its resources. To explain univore-omnivore differences, Mark argues that the people most likely to be omnivores are those in whose niche are to be found liking for not one or two, but several kinds of music.</p><p>However, there are also time constraints on musical taste. The reason everyone does not like every type of music is that <italic>liking</italic> a given kind of music requires some familiarity with that music, and familiarity in turn requires the expenditure of time and energy. Thus, the greater the number of overlapping musical tastes in one’s socio-demographic niche, the more likely one is to be an omnivore. But, Mark (1998) hypothesizes that time constraints make it more likely that the omnivore’s various musical tastes will be weak, rather than strong preferences.</p></sec><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_003" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Hypotheses to be Tested in Taiwan</bold></title><p>The annual Taiwan Social Change Surveys are similar to the General Social Surveys in the United States. The data on musical taste analyzed here were collected by the Taiwan Social Change Survey, cycle 2, year 3, which was sponsored by the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, Republic of China, and completed in October, 1992 (Chiu 1992).</p><p>The range of types of music in the various North American and European surveys is fairly similar, due to the fact that these societies share a common Western heritage of classical, popular, folk and other types of music. When our focus shifts to Taiwan, an East Asian society, we need to study the quite different types of music indigenous to that part of the world. These include Taiwanese popular music, Taiwanese opera, Chinese (Mandarin language) popular music, karaoke and KTV singing, and Taiwanese hand puppet shows. It also includes music imported from mainland China: traditional Chinese music and Peking opera, and from Japan: Japanese popular music. In addition to these Asian genres, a representative coverage of the kinds of music needs also to include music imported from the West: Western popular and classical music. It remains to be seen, in the Taiwan context, which forms of music, if any, can be called “highbrow” or “lowbrow”.</p><p>On the basis of the earlier theory and research which we have reviewed, the data in the 1992 Taiwan Social Change Survey enable us to test the following hypotheses.</p><p>Hyp. 1. Liking particular types of music varies with age, gender and position in the social stratification system. The term “social stratification” refers to education, occupation, income, and subjective class identification. The alternative possibility, that liking a particular type of music varies independently of these stratification variables, means by definition that it cannot be called either highbrow or lowbrow music.</p><p>Hyp. 2. (following Gans 1999) Education is the most important of the social stratification variables when “higher” taste requires some formal training, as in the case of classical music.</p><p>Hyp. 3. (Gans 1999) Occupation is the most important of the stratification variables when formal training is less relevant, as in preference for popular music.</p><p>Hyp. 4. (Bourdieu 1984) Controlling for economic capital (income), people have different musical tastes due to their cultural capital (education).</p><p>Hyp. 5. Bourdieu (1984) argued that there is a hierarchy of legitimate taste, such that in the realm of music there are “highbrow” and “lowbrow” or mass tastes. As a result of this, he contended that there is a process which can be called <italic>aesthetic distancing.</italic> People use music to shape their identity and to announce symbolically their place in the world. People of high social status reject the types of music preferred by people of lower status. By aesthetically distancing oneself from the latter types of music, one bolsters one’s claim to high status. Therefore, hypothesis 5 is: People of high education tend to dislike the types of music whose audiences have lower-than-average levels of education (Bryson 1996).</p><p>The next set of hypotheses concerns univore versus omnivore musical taste.</p><p>Hyp. 6. Omnivorousness – liking several different types of music – is most likely among people who are in an age/education niche where liking for several types of music overlaps.</p><p>Hyp 7. Omnivorousness varies with age, gender and social stratification. In Taiwan, high status, younger people are more likely to be omnivores, liking several types of music, while low status, older people are more likely to be univores.</p><p>Hyp. 8. (Mark 1998, 2003) Time constraints have a more powerful effect on the number of <italic>strong</italic> musical preferences than on the number of <italic>weak</italic> preferences one can maintain. Therefore, the effect of (1) the number of types of music liked by people in one’s age/education niche on (2) the number of types of music one <italic>likes very much</italic> will be weaker than the effect of (1) on (3) the number of types one merely likes.</p><p>We have seen that Peterson questioned Bourdieu’s elitist theory and contended that omnivorousness – taste <italic>diversity –</italic> is the dominant signifier of high social status. Lundy (2007) pointed out that there is a methodological problem in Peterson’s approach. When a survey presents respondents with multiple musical genres (13 in Peterson and Simkus, 18 in Bryson, and 21 in Harrison-Rexrode), do the genres equally represent <italic>significantly different</italic> cultural sectors of a society? In Western societies, Lundy asks, does liking both classical music and opera count as liking <italic>two</italic> types of music that are as <italic>equally</italic> different as liking blue grass and rap music? Or do people typically like classical music and opera as a pair, or blue grass and rap as a pair, much more than other pairs? To the extent that a factor analysis or cluster analysis shows that the “cultural distance” between classical music and opera, or between blue grass and rap, is small enough so that they should be regarded as one, not two distinct types, it is clear that we have over-estimated omnivorousness.</p><p>Both van Eijck (2001) and Lundy took this stricter approach to omnivorousness. Using factor analysis, van Eijck clustered specific musical genres into four “discourses”: folk, highbrow, pop, and new omnivore. Lundy’s factor analysis reduced 18 specific musical genres to what he calls five distinct “taste audiences”.</p><p>Hyp. 9. Specific types of musical taste in Taiwan can be clustered into a smaller number of more general “taste audiences”.</p><p>Hyp. 10. These more general “taste audiences” also vary by age, gender and social stratification.</p></sec><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_004" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>The Musical Scene in Taiwan</bold></title><p>The data on musical taste I shall analyze are from the 1992 Taiwan Social Change Survey. For readers unfamiliar with the musical scene in Taiwan it is necessary to provide at least a brief description of each of the ten types of music respondents were asked about. For example, when a respondent says s/he does or does not like Chinese popular music or Taiwanese opera, what are those types of music?</p><p><italic>Taiwanese popular music (Taiyu liuxing goqu)</italic>. In general, Taiwan’s popular music is classified into two categories: Taiwanese songs and Mandarin songs. The majority of the population of Taiwan speak various dialects of the Han Chinese language – Hoklo, Hakka, and Mandarin. A small minority, some two percent of the population, speaks one of the non-Chinese aboriginal languages. During the early decades of Chinese Nationalist rule in Taiwan after World War II, the local Taiwanese were required to learn Mandarin in school and speak it in public, to the relative exclusion of their Hoklo and Hakka languages. After the lifting of martial law in 1987, “popular musicians not only rapidly reclaimed local Taiwanese languages; they also took contemporary life in Taiwan as the subjects of their creations”. Hoklo, Hakka and aboriginal languages, music, and musicians “made important inroads into the pop music mainstream” (Guy 2001:4).</p><p>Both Taiwanese and Mandarin popular music have the following characteristics which distinguish them from classical music. The lyrics and melody make it easy for the audience to feel joy or misery, since they narrate in simple, conversational terms ordinary people’s love, regret, or social concerns. The melody is easy to learn and remember (Lin 1994:15). “New Taiwanese pop music” includes, for example, songs dealing with “things like the grief you get driving a taxi for a living” (Guy 2001:5). Its style is light rap. The majority of the audience for both Taiwanese and Mandarin popular music prefers soft, romantic songs. Critical social and political commentary is more common in Taiwanese than in Mandarin popular music. Both Taiwanese and Mandarin popular music are produced and marketed through the entertainment industries, e.g., radio, TV, film, publishing, recording studios, and by singers’ appearances in nightclubs and elsewhere (Lin 1994, Hsu 2001).</p><p><italic>Chinese (Mandarin language) popular music (Guoyu liuxing goqu)</italic>. “ ‘Mandapop’ is a popular music genre whose lyrics are sung in Mandarin Chinese [and] is a style of contemporary soft rock whose melodies are typically smooth and flowing. Love songs have . . . dominated the Mandpop repertoire” (Guy 2001:14, fn. 18). At the time of the 1992 survey, popular music of all kinds was enjoying a “vibrant rebirth” after the lifting of martial law (Guy 2001:2). An aboriginal woman named A-mei became one of the most famous singers of Mandapop songs. Cui Jian’s 1989 Chinese rock album, “Rock on the New Long March,” was an immediate success that sold widely in Taiwan. His distinctive form of Chinese rock made use of traditional instruments. Chinese folk music traditions also were blended into rock (Broughton, Ellingham, Muddyman and Trillo 1994: 456). In Taiwan, as in Western societies, male teenagers are the prime audience for heavy-metal music (Lin 1994: 99, 101).</p><p><italic>Western classical music (Guqu yinyue)</italic>. Composers and performers of Western classical music in post-World War II Taiwan were often educated in the Music Department of the Normal University or the Taiwan Academy of the Arts and then pursued further musical education in Europe and America. After returning to Taiwan they became the leading force in classical music. At first, their style was more or less nineteenth century pentatonic-Romanticism with Chinese melodies. Later, more avant-garde music departed from Romantic and tonally oriented traditions. There was also an upsurge of “return-to-native (Taiwanese) music”, and while few composers quoted from traditional melodies, traditional rhythmic ideas were employed” (Hsu 2001: vol. 25: 9–10). For those in Taiwan who like Western classical music, listening to the music of Beethoven, Brahms and other pre-twentieth century Western composers has been as important as consuming Western art music by Taiwan composers. The Taipei Century Symphony orchestra, privately supported by donations from music-loving businesspeople, promotes classical music concerts for the general public (Chung 2010:57).</p><p><italic>Western popular music (Xiyang liuxing goqu)</italic>. Western popular music in its diverse genres of blues, soft rock, jazz, rock’n’roll, soul, rap and hip-hop all appear in Taiwan. Stars like Michael Jackson have had great appeal. Urban youth prefer rock songs sung in English. Some observers claim that Taiwan’s popular music is unoriginal because, like other aspects of popular culture, it has been so Westernized (Lin 1994).</p><p><italic>Taiwanese opera (Gezaihsi)</italic>. Taiwanese opera is performed either by human actors or with puppets (see glove-puppet music-drama, below). For both of these forms, “[m]any troupes travel about the island, performing upon special invitation, and always taking part in the numerous religious festivals of the year. . . . A band of perhaps half a dozen instruments, dominated by cymbals and gongs, with the sharply-struck wood-block giving the tempo, and conducting the ensemble, supports the singing” (Thompson 1964: 74, Guy 1999). Taiwanese opera is also shown on TV, and is recognized as a “theatre of Taiwaneseness” (Guy 2005:154, 187, note 3).</p><p><italic>Singing in karaoke bars or on KTV</italic>. As in the West, a popular type of music in Taiwan is singing along with a karaoke machine in a bar (or even in one’s home) or on KTV.</p><p><italic>Glove-puppet music-drama (Budaixi)</italic>. This traditional kind of puppet theatre typical in Taiwan features figures of tiny sacks topped with painted heads and manipulated by hands and fingers. Both instrumental and vocal melodies adopt <italic>beiguan</italic> music, which dates from the Yuan and Ming dynasties (Hsu 2001, vol. 25:7). Puppets speak in Hoklo dialect and the televised versions of puppet theater have been extremely popular (Guy 2005:29).</p><p><italic>Japanese popular music (Riben liuxing goqu)</italic>. As a result of Japan’s colonial rule of Taiwan from 1895 to 1945, folk music and Taiwanese language songs magnified the influence of Japan’s popular music of the time (Hsu 1991: 222). It is not surprising, therefore, that Japanese popular music continues to appeal to older Taiwanese.</p><p><italic>Chinese traditional music (Guoyue)</italic>. In Taiwan this type of music is performed mainly by Hokkien and Hakka Taiwanese, in such settings as Daoist religious rituals and ceremonies. It takes the form of singing, pure instrumental music, theatre, dance, and narrative. It is also performed annually on September 28, in ceremonies honoring Confucius’s birthday. <italic>Beiguan</italic> music “is used for preludes and at transitional points in ceremonies, weddings and funerals” (Hsu 2001: vol. 25:7).</p><p><italic>Peking opera (pingju or guoju)</italic>. The mainlander Chinese who governed Taiwan after World War II had a campaign to make the Taiwanese discard the “Japaneseness” they had acquired during fifty years as Japanese colonial subjects and to become “Chinese”. From the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s the government heavily promoted and supported Peking opera while suppressing the performance of local Taiwanese opera (Guy 2001:4). For China mainlanders in Taiwan, “[t]he sound of Peking opera evoked memories of a nostalgic past. . . . public performances of Peking opera were staged almost every night in downtown Taipei . . . during the late 1980s” (Guy 1999:514, 515). Peking opera often features “the ever popular mythical character, the Monkey King Sun Wukong [and has] strong Confucian ethics themes” (Guy 1999: 516).</p></sec><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_005" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Data and Measures</bold></title><p>In the 1992 Taiwan Social Change Survey, the population from which the sample was drawn was defined as those eligible to vote, non-institutionalized, living in the counties and cities selected as primary selection units (PSUs) and between 20 and 69 years old. Multistage sampling used three levels of PSUs: primary (40 of the 360 towns and city districts of Taiwan), secondary (selection of 184 villages and <italic>li</italic>s in the 40 sampled towns and city districts), and ultimate (selection of individual respondents from a name list constructed from the 1991 Eligible Voter name list prepared by the Election Offices. Probability proportional to size sampling was used to select the secondary and ultimate sampling units.</p><p>In the pretests of the interview schedule, one group of 300 respondents was selected in the designated PSUs. The intended sample size was 2,500; interviews were completed with 2,377 respondents.</p><p><italic>Dependent Variables</italic>. Question 79 asked “Do you like the following [types of ] music and drama?” The ten types are those presented in the section on the Musical Scene in Taiwan. For each type, the response categories were: 1. like very much, 2. like, 3. dislike, 4. don’t like at all, 5. no comment, 6. don’t understand, and 7. unwilling to answer. I reverse-coded categories 1–4 so each of the 10 musical taste variables ranges from 1. don’t like at all, to 4. like very much. Between 78% and 91% of the sample responded in one of these four categories for each type of music. I treat the other responses – no comment, don’t understand, and unwilling to answer – as missing values. From these 10 music taste variables I derived an eleventh dependent variable, <italic>musical omnivorousness</italic>, measured as how many of the ten types of music the respondent “likes very much” or “likes.” The range for omniverousness is from 0 (likes none of the ten types) to 10 (likes all ten). Since respondents had to answer all ten questions to be scored on omniverousness, this variable has far more missing values – 43% – than the individual 10 questions.</p><p><italic>Independent Variables.</italic> My independent variables are as follows.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN1"><sup>1</sup></xref> <italic>Sex</italic> (0 = male, 1 = female). <italic>Age</italic> (from 1 = 20–29 to 5 = 60–69). <italic>Education</italic> (1 = none, self-study, or attended elementary school; 2 = completed elementary school; 3 = junior high school, senior high school, or cadet school; 4 = junior college, college or graduate school. <italic>Occupation</italic> (1 = farmer, fisherman; 2 = manual worker; 3 = service; 4 = supervisory; 5 = business owners and managers; 6 = professional and technical; and 7 = government and administrative). <italic>Monthly income from present job</italic>, coded in 21 categories from 1 = no income to 21 = more than 100,000 <italic>yuan</italic> or New Taiwan dollars. <italic>Class identification</italic> is the social class the respondent thinks s/he belongs to, coded as 1. lower, 2. working, 3. lower middle, 4. upper middle, and 5. upper.</p><p>Socio-demographic <italic>niche</italic>. To construct niches I cross-classified the Taiwan respondents by age and education. I used five age categories: 20–29, 30–39, 40–49, 50–59, and 60–69; and three levels of educational attainment: (1) elementary school or less, (2) junior or senior high school, and (2) college, university or graduate school. Because Ns are less than 30 in each of two niches, highly educated people in their 50s and highly educated in their 60s, these two niches are averaged and treated as one. The 14 resulting niches appear in table 3, and in each niche I list which of the ten types of music are liked by at least 50% of the respondents in the niche.</p></sec><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_006" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Musical Taste in Taiwan</bold></title><p><italic>Liking</italic> a type of music is measured as the sum of respondents who either “like very much” or “like” that type. If by popular music we mean music liked by the largest segment of a population, it is not surprising that the two types of music that are by far the most popular are Taiwanese popular music (84% like it) and Chinese popular music (74%). The next two are Western classical music (54%) and Taiwanese opera (52%). The next three types are karaoke (43%), and Western popular music and glove puppet music-drama (each 42%). Still less liked are Japanese popular music (38%) and traditional Chinese music (33%); the most out of favor is Peking opera (only 18% like it). Types of music compete for audience share, and our data show that in the early 1990s, the winners of that competition were two kinds of indigenous popular music – Taiwanese and Chinese – but also Western classical music and Taiwanese opera. It is worth noting that more Taiwanese like Western classical than Western popular music. The least successful competitors are traditional Chinese music and Peking opera. Guy (1999:520) points out that Peking opera “long ago ceased to be a truly popular form of entertainment” and that Taiwanese opera is far more popular than Peking opera among the Taiwanese (i.e., non-mainlander Chinese). Comparing the extremes, 4.8 times more respondents like Taiwanese popular music than like Peking opera.</p><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_007" sec-type="head2"><title><italic>Social Bases of Musical Taste</italic></title><p>In Taiwan, to what extent is there a homology between (a) the cultural field, in which cultural products like music are positioned, and (b) the social field, in which people occupy specific social positions? More specifically, can we distinguish highbrow from lowbrow types of musical taste?</p><p>One thing is clear. Historically, the Chinese people and their descendants in Taiwan have believed that there is a hierarchy of musical taste. People of the literate upper class, who considered themselves as an elite, referred to <italic>their</italic> music as “gentlemen’s music” (<italic>langjun yue</italic>), in contrast to other kinds of music (Yeh 1985: 26). Let us first consider which types of music in the 1992 survey are most liked, and least liked, among those in elite positions in the stratification system, i.e., the college educated; those in professional, higher government and administrative occupations; those with high income; and those who identify themselves as upper middle or upper class. Table 1 shows the association (gamma or Kendall’s tau-c) between each stratification variable and each of the ten types of musical taste. Positive associations indicate that the elite likes that type of music, while negative associations mean the elite tends to reject that type of music.</p><p>The strongest positive associations for each of the four stratification variables are with Western popular music, Western classical music, and Chinese popular music (see columns 1–4 of table 1, and column 5, which gives the mean association). These are the types of music preferred by the social elite. While Western classical music is a favorite among the elite, as it is in the West, the elite in Taiwan also prefer three types of popular music – Western and Chinese popular and karaoke. This suggests that elite taste in Taiwan <italic>cuts across</italic> both highbrow (classical) and popular or mass taste. We shall explore this point further below, when we analyze omnivorousness. Three types of music have negative associations with stratification, from which we can infer that the music least liked by the elite are Taiwanese puppet shows, Taiwanese popular music, and Taiwanese opera. What is striking here is that while the elite prefer popular music if it is Western or Chinese, they disdain it if it is Taiwanese. Indeed, another way to interpret these findings is that the three types of Taiwanese music – puppets, Taiwanese popular music and Taiwanese opera – serve to <italic>negatively</italic> define the musical tastes of the Taiwan elite.</p><p>Table 1 also indicates how sex and age are related to musical taste. Sex is not as strongly related to taste as the stratification variables are. Men and women do not significantly differ in their liking for several types of music, and only differ slightly with regard to some other types. The most marked differences in column 6 are that men prefer glove puppet shows, while women are more likely to prefer Taiwanese opera. Age, on the other hand, has a stronger relationship to musical taste (column 7). Younger people are the main audience for Western and Chinese popular music, karaoke, and Western classical music, while older people are more inclined toward Japanese popular music, both Taiwanese and Peking opera, and traditional Chinese music.</p><p>We have considered the effects of the six independent variables one at a time. But these variables are themselves interrelated, and we need a multivariate analysis if we are to tease out the net effect of each variable, when the others are held constant. There is no collinearity among the six independent variables (all r’s are .51 or less), so we can include them all in the OLS regression analysis presented in table 2.</p><p>Controlling for the other variables, gender has a significant net effect on several types of musical taste. Women like Taiwanese opera and Western classical music more than men, while men prefer puppet shows and Taiwanese popular music more than do women. Musical taste divides by age, with younger respondents favoring karaoke, Chinese, Western and Taiwanese popular music, and older people more attracted to traditional Chinese music, Japanese popular music, and Peking opera.</p><table-wrap><label><bold>Table 1</bold></label><caption><title>Association between Musical Taste and Independent Variables, Taiwan Social Change Survey, 1992</title></caption><graphic xlink:href="15691330_011_04_S01_i0001.jpg"></graphic><table-wrap-foot><p>Note: Gamma is the measure of relationship for all variables except sex (Female), for which the measure is Kendall’s tau-c.</p><p>* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001</p></table-wrap-foot></table-wrap><table-wrap><label><bold>Table 2</bold></label><caption><title>Coefficients for Regression of Liking Ten Types of Music on Socio-demographic and Stratification Variables, Taiwan Social Change Survey, 1992</title></caption><graphic xlink:href="15691330_011_04_S01_i0002.jpg"></graphic><table-wrap-foot><p>Note: Cell entries are standardized beta coefficients.</p><p>*p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001</p></table-wrap-foot></table-wrap><p>Among the stratification variables, education has the strongest net effect on the ten types of taste, followed by occupation, income and, least of all, class identification. As educational level increases, liking for Western classical and Western popular music, traditional Chinese music and Chinese popular music also increases. Low education conduces to a preference for Taiwanese opera, Taiwanese popular music, and puppets. Occupation has a less important influence: its effect is often non-significant when the other variables are controlled. People in high status occupations prefer Western classical and Western popular music, traditional Chinese music and Peking opera. Taiwanese popular music is the one type significantly preferred by people in lower status occupations. In Western societies, income has been found to be a relatively weak predictor of musical taste, and the same is true in Taiwan, where income has a significant net effect on only three types of musical taste. People with higher income prefer Western popular and Japanese popular music, while those with low incomes are attracted to puppet shows. Subjective class identification also has only three significant net effects. Higher class identification makes for a preference for karaoke, Western popular and Chinese popular music.</p><p>The causal model estimated in table 2 explains more of the variance in Western popular music (R<sup>2</sup> = .290) and Western classical music (.188) than in the other types. I return to the question of what other variables might explain musical taste at the end of the paper.</p><p>We can now begin to test our hypotheses. Hypothesis 1 has been confirmed: <italic>liking particular types of music in Taiwan does vary with social stratification and socio-demographic variables.</italic> The relative importance of the six independent variables in table 2 is that age and education have the most robust effects across the ten types of music; gender and occupation have somewhat smaller effects, and income and class identification have the weakest net effects.</p><p>Hypothesis 2, based on Gans’s (1999) American study, states that <italic>education is the most important of the stratification variables when “higher” taste requires some formal training, as in the case of liking Western classical music.</italic> Table 2 supports this hypothesis, since education has the largest beta coefficient for classical music. Hypothesis 3 (Gans 1999) holds that <italic>occupation is the most important of the stratification variables when formal training is less relevant for musical taste, as in preferences for popular music.</italic> Of the ten types of music, I test this for the four kinds of popular music (Taiwanese, Chinese, Western and Japanese) and also for karaoke, whose simple, popular tunes require little formal training in order to appreciate it. Hypothesis 3 is totally disconfirmed. Table 2 reveals that for Taiwanese, Chinese and Western popular music, education has a larger net effect than occupation; for Japanese popular music and karoke, neither occupation nor education has a significant net effect.</p><p>Hypothesis 4 tests Bourdieu’s theory that, <italic>controlling for economic capital (income), people have different musical tastes due to their cultural capital (education).</italic> When each type of musical taste is regressed on only income and education (coefficients not reported here, but available on request), all ten tests support Bourdieu. Controlling for income, education significantly <italic>increases</italic> liking for Western and Chinese popular music, Western classical music, karaoke, traditional Chinese music, and Peking opera, while <italic>decreasing</italic> how much one likes Taiwanese and Japanese popular music, Taiwanese opera, and puppet music-drama.</p><p>Hypothesis 5. <italic>Aesthetic distancing. People with higher education tend to dislike the types of music whose audiences have low levels of education.</italic> Let us define low education as completing no more than elementary school. The four types of music liked by the largest percent of low educated people are Taiwanese popular music, Taiwanese opera, Chinese popular music, and puppet shows, in that descending order. Among those with higher (university) education, Taiwanese popular music is disliked by only 25%, so it does not reflect much aesthetic distancing. Taiwanese opera is disliked by 59%, thus indicating a greater degree of aesthetic distancing. Chinese popular music is liked by large majorities of both the high- and the low-educated, so it does not express aesthetic distancing. Finally, puppet shows are disliked by 61% of the educated. Thus, preferences for two types of music – puppet shows and Taiwanese opera – are instances of aesthetic distancing: they are much liked by the less educated, and relatively disliked by the highly educated. It is plausible that the reason the educated dislike these types is that they perceive the less educated as liking them, and want to bolster their high status by aesthetically distancing themselves from the uneducated, but we cannot prove this with the data available.</p><p>Strong evidence of aesthetic distancing would be that across the ten types of music, the more the less educated like a type of music, the more the educated should dislike it. In other words, there should be a strong positive Spearman rank-order correlation. In fact, the correlation is low and negative (–0.115). Among the reasons for this are that Peking opera is disliked by people at both ends of the education scale, while Chinese and Taiwanese popular music are liked by both high- and low-educated people. Thus, there is only weak support for the aesthetic distancing hypothesis.</p></sec></sec><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_008" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Social Niches and Musical Taste</bold></title><p>Consider first in table 3 the specific age-by-education social niche in which each type of music is <italic>most liked</italic>. Chinese popular music is liked by 95% of the highly educated in their 20s, Taiwanese popular music by 95% of the low-educated in their 30s, and Western popular music by 92% of the highly educated in their 20s. Western classical music finds its strongest niche (87% liking) among the older (50–69 years old) highly educated; traditional Chinese music appeals most (80%) to the same niche of older, highly educated people. Karaoke’s strongest following (74%) are the highly educated in their 20s. The medium-educated (junior or senior high school) in their 50s are the main niche (69%) for Japanese popular music, and 68% of the low educated in the oldest age category like Taiwanese opera. The foremost niche for Peking opera (60%) is among the older, highly educated. And finally, puppet shows’ strongest liking is only 50%, among junior and senior high school graduates in their 20s.</p><p>Another way to look at table 3, following Mark (2003: 327), is to ask: how are patterns of musical taste “structured so that similar people tend to hold similar tastes and dissimilar people tend to hold different tastes?” The greatest difference in taste is that between the extreme niches, i.e., (1) the highly educated in their 20s versus (2) the low educated in their 60s. Of the five types of music liked by the former and the three by the latter, only one type – Taiwanese popular music – is liked by both. Otherwise, people in these very dissimilar niches have non-overlapping types of musical preferences, with the educated young favoring Chinese and Western popular music, Western classical music, and karaoke, while the low educated older people incline to Taiwanese opera and Japanese popular music.</p><table-wrap><label><bold>Table 3</bold></label><caption><title>Age-Education Niches for Types of Musical Taste in Taiwan, Taiwan Social Change Survey, 1992*</title></caption><graphic xlink:href="15691330_011_04_S01_i0003.jpg"></graphic><graphic xlink:href="15691330_011_04_S01_i0004.jpg"></graphic><table-wrap-foot><p>* Cell entries are the percent of respondents in a given age/education niche who “very much like” or “like” a particular type of music. Only music liked by at least 50% of the respondents in a niche is reported. Two niches – college/university graduates age 50–59 and 60–69 – each had small N’s. These two niches are combined; the percentages are for college/university graduates between the ages 50–69.</p></table-wrap-foot></table-wrap><p>The third important aspect of table 3 is its implications for musical omnivorousness. Omnivorousness, taste diversity, has been defined as the number (from 0 to 10) of the ten kinds of music a person likes. The most striking fact is the relatively high level of omnivorousness in musical taste. The most musically omnivorous social niches are those populated by the highly educated, where in every age niche as many as five or six of the 10 types of music are liked. Those with a junior or senior high school education are somewhat less omnivorous, liking between four and six types of music in each age niche. The least omnivorous are those at the lowest education level, where only between two and four types of music are liked.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN2"><sup>2</sup></xref></p><p>We can now test Mark’s hypothesis concerning a mechanism through which people move from being univores to becoming omnivores. Musical preferences spread through social network ties. The principle of homophily holds that people are more likely to interact with those whose socio-demographic characteristics are similar to their own. We distinguish analytically between the aggregate level, the number of types of music liked by the people in a given age/education niche, and the individual level, the number of types of music an individual in that niche likes. “The number of [musical] niches overlapping at a person’s position in social space indicates the number of [types of music] to which the person receives positive social exposure” (Mark 2003:335).</p><p>Hypothesis 6 is that <italic>at the individual level, the respondents most likely to be omnivores are those who are in an age/education niche where liking for several types of music overlaps</italic>. To test hypothesis 6, respondents are grouped according to the number of overlapping types of music liked by people in their age/education niche. Four niches in table 3 each have six types of music liked. The mean omnivorousness score (on the 0–10 scale) for the respondents in those niches is 5.29. As the number of types of music liked in niches declines, so does the mean level of omnivorousness: for niches with five types of music liked, mean omnivorousness is 5.16; niches with four types of music, the mean is 4.15; three types, 3.66; only two types liked, 3.23. The fact that at the individual level, mean omnivorousness declines monotonically, from 5.29 to 3.23, as the aggregate level variable, the number of types of music liked in niches, also declines, strongly confirms hypothesis 6. The more types of music are liked by people in an individual’s niche, the more likely the individual is to be an omnivore.</p></sec><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_009" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Peterson’s Onmivore Thesis</bold></title><p>We turn now to Peterson’s thesis, the rise of the high status musical omnivore. Are musical omnivores in Taiwan more likely to be of high social status while univores are found at the lower reaches of stratification? In the 1992 Taiwan sample, omnivorousness is normally distributed, with relatively few liking none or only one type, or liking eight or more of the ten types; the modal scores are in the middle, 3–6 on the eleven-point scale. The mean for omnivorousness is to like 4.35 of the ten types of music.</p><p>Hypothesis 7: <italic>High status, younger people are more likely to be omnivores whose taste diversity spans several types of music, both highbrow and popular, while low status, older people are more likely to be univores.</italic> This is tested in the last column of table 2, where the omnivore variable is regressed on the six variables already introduced as the basic causal model. Net of the other variables, education and income significantly increase omnivorousness, while age significantly decreases it. This confirms hypothesis 7. The musical omnivore, then, tends to be younger, with more education and higher income. The causal model explains 11.8% of the variance in omnivorousness. As Gans (1999) suggested for the U.S., young people, with more education and spending money, spend their time and money on a greater <italic>variety</italic> of cultural products than do those who are older, less educated, or more impecunious. While the general finding that omnivores are younger people of high status supports Peterson, the finding that education is a better predictor of omnivore taste than occupation supports Harrison-Rexrode et al. (2007), rather than Peterson.</p><p>A more direct test of the theories of Bourdieu and Peterson is possible with the Taiwan data. Peterson and Kern (1996) did not reject Bourdieu’s theory, but argued that data from two U.S. surveys, the first in 1982, the second in 1992, showed that a new breed of inclusive elitist omnivores is replacing Bourdieu’s exclusive elitist snobs. “Replacing” means that Bourdieu’s snobs can still be found, but are becoming less numerous relative to “new omnivores”. Thus, we ask, are high status people in Taiwan mainly highbrows, with exclusive taste only for classical-type music (Bourdieu), or are they omnivores, whose taste cuts across both highbrow and popular music (Peterson)? To define a person’s overall status, each of the four stratification variables – education, occupational status, income and class identification – was coded from lowest (= 1) to highest (= 6 or 7). When summed, the range for the new variable, <italic>socio-economic status (SES)</italic>, is from 4 to 25. I then took the 313 respondents (19.6% of the sample) whose SES scores were 18–25, the highest, and examined their individual musical tastes.</p><p>In the cultural context of Taiwan, which of the ten types of music can be considered highbrow music? Yeh (1985:1) observes that Peking opera is “much favored by the elite,” not by the local people. The findings in my table 1 suggest that Western classical music, traditional Chinese music and Peking opera, the classical-type music most liked by people of high status, can be considered highbrow music, while Western popular, Chinese popular, and karaoke music can be considered as varieties of popular music, or mass taste in music.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN3"><sup>3</sup></xref> Respondents were then classified into one of four categories. (1) <italic>Musical highbrows</italic> like only one or more of the three types of highbrow music, and reject all three kinds of popular music. (2) <italic>Omnivores</italic> like one or more of the three types of highbrow music, and also one or more of the three kinds of popular music. (3) <italic>Popular music fans</italic> like one or more of the types of popular music, but not any of the highbrow genres. (4) The n<italic>on-musical</italic> are those who like none of the highbrow and none of the popular kinds of music.</p><p>The results clearly support Peterson more than Bourdieu. Of those with the highest SES scores, 69% are omnivores, but only 7.7% are musical highbrows. (Those who like popular music but not highbrow music constitute 20.6% of the sample, and the 2.7% who are non-musical make up the remainder of those with high SES. These latter two categories are not relevant to the question of the relative validity of Bourdieu and Peterson). Peterson called his American omnivores “<italic>new</italic> omnivores” because between 1982 and 1992 there seemed to be a decline of snobbish, exclusive musical highbrows and an increase in omnivores, among Americans of high status. I refrain from calling the Taiwan omnivores “new omnivores” because my data refer only to 1992, and longitudinal research is necessary before we can infer whether omnivorousness among the elite is a new phenomenon, or has long been a characteristic of musical taste in Taiwan.</p><p>Hypothesis 8. Mark (1998) challenged the omnivore thesis by suggesting that an implication of his theory is that, while omnivores like several types of music, their “liking” is superficial, due to time constraints. Hypothesis 8 will test Mark’s idea that <italic>the effect of (1) the number of types of music liked by people in one’s age/education niche on (2) the number of types of music one likes very much (strong preference) will be weaker than the effect of (1) on (3) the number of types one merely likes (weak preference).</italic> This hypothesis is tested by two OLS regression equations. The independent variable in both equations is the number of types of music liked by people in the respondent’s age/education niche. In table 3 we observe that the number of types of music liked in the 14 niches varies from only two (in the niche of low educated people in their fifties) to six types (in the niche of highly educated people in their thirties, and in three other niches).</p><p>When we regress the number of types of music one <italic>likes</italic> on this independent variable, the estimated beta coefficient is 0.276, significant at the .001 level. In the second equation, we regress the number of types of music one <italic>likes very much</italic> on the independent variable. The beta is 0.036, not significantly different from zero. Mark’s hypothesis is thus confirmed: time constraints have more influence on strong than on weak musical preferences. As the number of overlapping types of music liked by people in one’s social niche increases, one becomes more of an omnivore, but a different kind of omnivore than implied in Peterson’s theory. One’s omnivorousness increases by having more weak preferences, not by having more strong preferences for each type of music liked.</p><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_010" sec-type="head2"><title><italic>A Reconsideration of Omnivorousness</italic></title><p>Treating each of the ten types of music as an equal unit of omnivorousness may spuriously over-estimate omnivorousness. Between which types of music is there enough “cultural distance” to merit treating them as having distinct “taste audiences”? Hypothesis 9 states that <italic>the 10 specific types of music studied in Taiwan can be clustered into a smaller number of “taste audiences”.</italic> Doing this standardizes interrelated genres into a representative number of categories.</p><p>A principal components factor analysis with varimax rotation was performed; the results appear in table 4. Four types of music have high loadings on Factor 1: Chinese popular music, karaoke, Western popular and Japanese popular music. I define this first Taiwan “taste audience” as “Popular music.” Three other types of music loaded on a second Factor: traditional Chinese music, Peking opera, and Western classical music. These have in common the fact that they are classical and had their origin before the twentieth century. They are therefore called the “Traditional Classical” taste audience. Finally, the remaining three types of music – Taiwanese opera, puppets, and Taiwanese popular music – had high loadings on a third Factor. What is common to these three is not that they are varieties of contemporary popular music (only Taiwanese popular music meets that criterion). Neither do they all represent music rooted in the past (although Taiwanese opera and puppets do share that trait). What is common is that each of them is a type of <italic>Taiwanese</italic> music, and they are accordingly called the “Taiwanese music” taste audience. Hypothesis 9 is thus confirmed: the 10 types cluster into three types of more culturally distinct “taste audiences”.</p><table-wrap><label><bold>Table 4</bold></label><caption><title>Factor Analysis of 10 Types of Musical Taste, Taiwan Social Change Survey, 1992</title></caption><graphic xlink:href="15691330_011_04_S01_i0005.jpg"></graphic><table-wrap-foot><p>Note: Extraction method is Principal Component Analysis with varimax rotation matrix.</p></table-wrap-foot></table-wrap><p>To what extent can these three taste audiences also be explained on the basis of our basic causal model, i.e., by age, sex, and the stratification variables? Hypothesis 10, which states that <italic>the taste audiences can be explained by this model</italic>, is supported by the data in table 5. The Popular music taste audience is significantly shaped by all the variables in the model except sex. The fans of Popular music are younger and higher on all four measures of SES: more educated, in higher status occupations, with higher incomes and a higher class identification. A somewhat different causal pattern explains preference for Traditional Classical music. While education and occupation again increase one’s liking, income and class identification have no significant net effects. Where Popular music was the domain of the young, it is older people who favor Traditional Classical music. And women like Traditional Classical music more than men.</p><table-wrap><label><bold>Table 5</bold></label><caption><title>Coefficients for Regression of Taste Audiences on Socio-demographic and Stratification Variables, Taiwan Social Change Survey, 1992</title></caption><graphic xlink:href="15691330_011_04_S01_i0006.jpg"></graphic><table-wrap-foot><p>Note: Cell entries are standardized beta coefficients.</p><p>* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001</p></table-wrap-foot></table-wrap><p>Preference for Taiwanese music (Taiwanese opera, puppets and Taiwanese popular music) has a causal pattern even more distinct from those for Popular and Traditional Classical music. Men like Taiwanese music more than women, younger people more than older, and people with less education and lower occupational status favor it more than those of higher status.</p><p>Let us now take seriously the earlier point that treating each of the ten types of music as an equal unit of omnivorousness may over-estimate that phenomenon. Let us use the more stringent test of omnivorousness: omnivorousness across the three taste audiences. This will reveal the extent to which people like <italic>significantly different, more culturally distinct</italic> types of music, types that are less frequently linked together. To what extent are those who are in, for example, the Popular music taste audience <italic>also</italic> part of the Traditional Classical taste audience, and the Taiwanese music taste audience? Omnivorousness across each pair of taste audiences is, of course, two-way, and not necessarily symmetrical. In descending order of cross-taste audience (T. A.) omnivorousness, we have:</p><p>47% of the Traditional Classical T. A. are also in the Popular music T. A.</p><p>40% of the Popular music T. A. are also in the Traditional Classical T. A.</p><p>39% of the Popular music T. A. are also in the Taiwanese music T. A.</p><p>38% of the Taiwanese music T. A. are also in the Popular music T. A.</p><p>38% of the Traditional Classical T. A. are also in the Taiwanese music T. A.</p><p>32% of the Taiwanese music T. A. are also in the Traditional Classical music T. A.</p><p>Omnivorousness survives this more stringent test. From one-third to almost half of those in each taste audience are also members of the other two taste audiences. Crossing, i.e., being in, two taste audiences is most common between the Traditional Classical and Popular music taste audiences, where the interchange is 47% in one direction and 40% in the other. Crossing is slightly less common between the Popular and Taiwanese taste audiences (39% in one direction and 38% in the other), and least common between the Traditional Classical and Taiwanese taste audiences (38% and 32%). But these differences in cross-taste audience omnivorousness are small, ranging from 47% to 32%.</p><p>A different way to make these comparisons is by outflow ratios: the mean percent of those in taste audience 1 who are also in the <italic>other two</italic> taste audiences. For example, of those in the Traditional Classical audience, 47% are also in the Popular music taste audience, and 38% are in the Taiwanese music audience. The mean outflow <italic>from</italic> Traditional Classical is 47% + 38%/2 = 42.5%. The mean outflow <italic>from</italic> Popular music to the other two audiences is 40% + 39%/2 = 39.5%, and between Taiwanese music and the other two, 38% and 32%/2 = 35%. These differences in outflow ratios, from 42.5% to 35%, are even smaller than the 47% to 32% range for pairs of taste audiences.</p><p>We have measured omnivorousness in two ways. According to the less stringent criterion – how many of 10 types of music one likes – mean omnivorousness is liking 4.35 of the ten types of music. Judged by the stricter criterion of omnivorousness across three culturally distinct taste audiences, we again find a moderate, rather than a high or low, level of omnivorousness.</p></sec></sec><sec id="B10.1163_156913312X621640_011" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Discussion and Conclusion</bold></title><p>The present study of Taiwan is one of several analyses of musical taste in East Asian societies (Wells 1998, Teo 2008, Hui 2009). To the extent that my findings support earlier results in Western societies, the gain in <italic>cross-cultural robustness</italic> is greater than if they were simply from another Western society. My findings can thus be summarized by noting that eight of my Western-derived hypotheses have been confirmed in Taiwan, one has been weakly confirmed, and only one disconfirmed. Let us consider these in turn.</p><p>As in the West, so also in Taiwan, liking particular types of music varies with age, gender and position in the stratification system. Education is the most important of the stratification variables when “higher” taste requires some formal training, as in the case of classical music. Controlling for economic capital (income), people have different musical tastes due to their cultural capital (education). At the individual level, mean musical omnivorousness increases as the aggregate level variable, the number of types of music liked by people in the individual’s age-education niche, also increases. But due to time constraints on the number of <italic>strong</italic> (as opposed to weak) musical preferences one can maintain, this increasing omnivorousness takes the form of an increasing number of weak, rather than strong, preferences for heterogeneous types of music.</p><p>High status, younger people are more likely to be musical omnivores, while low status, older people tend toward the univore pole. The Taiwan data support Peterson more than Bourdieu: of those highest in socio-economic status, far more are omnivores than exclusive musical highbrows. The ten specific types of musical taste studied in the 1992 survey can be clustered into a smaller number of more general, culturally distinct <italic>taste audiences</italic>: that for Popular music, for Traditional Classical music, and for Taiwanese music. These more general taste audiences also vary by age, gender and position in the stratification system.</p><p>Bourdieu’s aesthetic distancing hypothesis is only weakly confirmed in Taiwan. Of the four types of music <italic>liked</italic> by the largest percent of low educated people, only two types – puppet theater and Taiwanese opera – are relatively <italic>disliked</italic> by the highly educated. In other words, there is no strong evidence of aesthetic distancing, whereby people of high education <italic>generally dislike</italic> any type of music whose audience has a low level of education. On the contrary, Chinese and Taiwanese popular music is liked by people across the educational spectrum. Indeed, it is the musical omnivorousness of the highly educated which trumps at least some of the tendency for them to aesthetically distance themselves from the less educated.</p><p>The findings in Taiwan differ from Gans’s American-based hypothesis that occupation is the most important of the stratification variables when formal training is less relevant for musical taste, as in the case of popular music. The net effect of education is greater than that of occupation, not only when musical taste requires some formal training (classical music), but also in taste for kinds of popular music which do not require formal training in order to enhance enjoyment.</p><p>Future research needs to address the fact that my causal model, which includes age, gender and socio-economic status, explains relatively little of the variance in musical taste (see tables 2 and 5). What other factors might explain musical taste?</p><p>Closely akin to my SES explanatory variables, future research should include the influence of family background and inter-generational mobility on musical taste. Van Eijck (2001) hypothesized that people of high status from high status backgrounds are musical univore snobs, while high status people who have been upward mobile from lower status family backgrounds – the new middle class – may be either (a) omnivores, because they like both what their lower status parents and their high status associates like, or (b) univores, because, in achieving their upward mobility they engaged in anticipatory socialization, i.e., they discarded their parents’ tastes and adopted the snobbish, univore taste of the established upper middle class.</p><p>The importance of race and ethnicity for types of musical taste has been shown in the United States (Bryson 1996), the United Kingdom (Savage 2006) and Taiwan (Guy 1999). My preliminary results from the 1992 Taiwan survey indicate that respondents of Taiwanese ethnicity like Taiwanese and Japanese popular music more than do mainlanders – those who came to Taiwan from mainland China in the late 1940s, and their descendants. Mainlanders, on the other hand, prefer Peking opera and traditional Chinese music more than do the Taiwanese. When gender, age, and the stratification variables in my basic causal model are held constant, the ethnicity variable has significant net effects on these types of musical taste. Thus, future research should add the ethnic factor in order to better understand how musical taste varies among the population of Taiwan.</p><p>Van Eijck (2001) developed a path model to explain Dutch musical preferences. His independent variables are gender, age, education and occupation. To these he added two intervening variables. One was <italic>being musically active</italic> (e.g., singing, playing a musical instrument, having had music lessons, etc.). Van Eijck found that being an amateur musician is positively related to liking blues and jazz, genres which emphasize instrumental technique and virtuoso solo playing. Playing different kinds of musical instruments may lead to different kinds of musical preferences. The second intervening variable was <italic>affinity with highbrow culture</italic>, indicated by visiting museums, interest in literature and the arts. This model enabled van Eijck to explain a relatively high 30 to 40 percent of the variance in Dutch musical taste.</p><p>Thus, future research should ask respondents if they are amateur musicians. Yeh (1985) found that in Taiwan amateur musicians practice regularly by meeting at a temple and playing well into the night. They then perform voluntarily for their temple during festivals. “Elite amateur music groups intend their music to be a spiritual fulfillment in their lives” (Yeh 1985: 29). Insofar as this musical amateur variable is independent of age, gender and SES variables, including it can increase the explained variance in musical taste.</p></sec></body><back><fn-group><fn id="FN0"><p>*<sup>)</sup> Special thanks to Dr. Josefina F. Reynes for help in data acquisition and analysis. I appreciate the assistance of the office of survey research of the Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan, which provided me the data used in this article. The views expressed are my own.</p></fn><fn id="FN1"><p><sup>1)</sup> Another variable that influences musical taste in Taiwan is the language a person speaks (Holo, Hakka, Mandarin, etc.). The 1992 survey does not provide information on this, but a proxy variable for language is ethnicity. I classified respondents according to the ethnicity of both their parents, which allows me to compare respondents both of whose parents are Taiwanese (Min or Hakka) with those parents are both mainlanders. The former are likely to speak one of the Taiwanese dialects (Holo or Hakka), the latter to speak Mandarin Chinese. How this affects musical taste is beyond the space limitations of this article, but briefly, what I found is, after all, not surprising. Controlling for gender, age, education, occupation, income and class identification, ethnicity has several significant net effects. Taiwanese respondents are more likely than mainland Mandarin-speaking respondents to like Japanese and Taiwanese popular music, Taiwanese opera, and Taiwanese puppet musicdrama. Mainlanders are more likely than Taiwanese to prefer Peking opera, traditional Chinese music, Western popular and Western classical music, and Chinese (Mandarin) popular music.</p></fn><fn id="FN2"><p><sup>2)</sup> Table 3 lists all types of music liked by at least 50% of the respondents in a niche. The criterion for “liking” can, of course, be set higher, e.g., at 70%. The 70% minimum level of liking obviously reduces the number of types of music liked in most niches. But the overall pattern is similar to that for the 50% criterion. The highly educated like more types of music than the less educated.</p></fn><fn id="FN3"><p><sup>3)</sup> Taiwanese popular music is obviously a type of popular music. But, in contrast to Chinese popular, Western popular and karaoke music, it is rather <italic>disliked</italic> by high status people. 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encoding="w3cdtf">2012</dateIssued><dateCreated encoding="w3cdtf">2012</dateCreated><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2012</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><physicalDescription><internetMediaType>text/html</internetMediaType></physicalDescription><abstract>Abstract Research in the comparative cultural sociology of musical taste has been confined to Western societies. The present study tests hypotheses from Western research in a culturally different, East Asian society, Taiwan. The 1992 Taiwan survey asked a representative sample of the population which of ten types of music they liked or disliked. To a large extent, the Taiwan findings replicate those in the West. For example, high status, younger people are more likely to be omnivores, liking both highbrow and lowbrow music, while low status, older people tend toward the univore pole. The ten types of musical taste can be clustered into three more general, culturally distinct taste audiences.</abstract><subject><genre>Keywords</genre><topic>musical taste</topic><topic>univore</topic><topic>omnivore</topic><topic>age-education niche</topic><topic>highbrow</topic><topic>aesthetic distancing</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Comparative Sociology</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="abbreviated"><title>COSO</title></titleInfo><genre type="Journal">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">1569-1322</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1569-1330</identifier><part><date>2012</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>11</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>4</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>493</start><end>525</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1163/156913312X621640</identifier><identifier type="href">15691330_011_04_S01_text.pdf</identifier><accessCondition type="use and reproduction" contentType="copyright">© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</accessCondition><recordInfo><recordContentSource>BRILL Journals</recordContentSource><recordOrigin>Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</recordOrigin></recordInfo></mods></metadata><annexes><json:item><original>true</original><mimetype>image/jpeg</mimetype><extension>jpeg</extension><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/715E7D18E15FBEB502BCD8626E97934640235E03/annexes/jpeg</uri></json:item></annexes><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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