Cross-National Couples in the Mainland United States
Identifieur interne : 001985 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001984; suivant : 001986Cross-National Couples in the Mainland United States
Auteurs : Atsuko Seto ; Marion CavallaroSource :
- The Family Journal [ 1066-4807 ] ; 2007-07.
Abstract
Cross-national marriage is often included in discussions of differences in race, ethnicity, and culture, but its group identity and concerns specific to cross-national couples appear to be unclear. This article explores several aspects that are pertinent to understanding cross-national couples in the mainland United States. Counseling considerations including counselor cultural competency are also discussed. The need for more research and clinical attention to investigate the breadth and complexity of cross-national marriage is addressed.
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DOI: 10.1177/1066480707301315
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This article explores several aspects that are pertinent to understanding cross-national couples in the mainland United States. Counseling considerations including counselor cultural competency are also discussed. The need for more research and clinical attention to investigate the breadth and complexity of cross-national marriage is addressed.</italic> </p> </abstract><kwd-group> <kwd>cross-national couples</kwd> <kwd>cross-national marriage</kwd> </kwd-group><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value>258 Cross-National Couples in the Mainland United States SAGE Publications, Inc.200710.1177/1066480707301315 AtsukoSeto The College of New Jersey, seto@tcnj.edu MarionCavallaro The College of New Jersey Cross-national marriage is often included in discussions of differences in race, ethnicity, and culture, but its group identity and concerns specific to cross-national couples appear to be unclear. This article explores several aspects that are pertinent to understanding cross-national couples in the mainland United States. Counseling considerations including counselor cultural competency are also discussed. The need for more research and clinical attention to investigate the breadth and complexity of cross-national marriage is addressed. cross-national couples cross-national marriage ompared to other forms of intermarriage, cross-national C m a r r i a g e is considered to be a more recent social phe- nomenon (Cottrell, 1990). In an article published in Washingtonian, Milk (2000) illustrated personal anecdotes of cross-national couples living in the Washington, D.C., area. Although Milk's article is not counseling literature, it depicts the diversity presented within cross-national couples while providing common experiences to which many cou- ples can relate. It may be challenging to accurately under- stand cross-national couples because there are numerous combinations of nationalities and other cultural variables, creating substantial variations within this particular group. To gain a better understanding of this population, the authors of this article have drawn information from existing literature covering various disciplines and identified several aspects that are crucial in understanding couples of a cross- national marriage. We begin this article by discussing a need for more research and clinical applications exclusively focusing on cross-national marriage. A brief overview of the U.S. immigration history and several elements that may have an influence on the dynamics of cross-national mar- riage are also provided. These elements include living loca- tion, reactions from third parties, linguistic acquisition and Authors' Note: Please address correspondence to Atsuko Seto, Department of Counselor Education, The College of New Jersey, acculturation, complexity in cultural differences, and processes pertaining to immigration. In addition, counseling implications that are drawn from the literature of various forms of intermarriages are offered to help facilitate couples therapy. The contents of this article primarily illustrate heterosexual marriages of U.S.-born citizens and foreign nationals residing in the mainland United States. We acknowledge the tremen- dous diversity within cross-national marriages, and our attempt is not to overgeneralize the gathered information to all couples in this form of marriage. Rather, we hope the article will raise awareness of the need for more information, research, and clinical attention to support this population as well as further identifying aspects that are specific to cross-national couples. Terms such as cross-cultural marriage (Breger & Hill, 1998), intercultural marriage (Romano, 1988), or intermarriage (J. Lee & Bean, 2004; S. M. Lee & Fernandez, 1998) are found in the literature to include cross-national couples. Because any marriage can be considered cross-cultural to some extent (Breger & Hill, 1998), but “equating cross- national with cross-cultural is overly simplistic” (Cottrell, 1990, p. 152), the term cross-national marriage is used in this article to emphasize couples that differ in their nationality. NEED FOR RESEARCH AND CLINICAL ATTENTION ON CROSS-NATIONAL COUPLES Much of the existing literature pertaining to intermar- riage focuses on the mixing of race and ethnicity (Cottrell, 1990; S. M. Lee & Fernandez, 1998) rather than on the nationality of individuals. Through their literature review, Sullivan and Cottone (2006) identified four primary factors that are often used to classify intercultural couples. These elements included the couple's race, ethnicity, national ori- gin, and religion. One of the observations they made was that numerous scholars appeared to focus on racial differ- ence when conceptualizing intercultural couples. Because the society continues to have varying reactions toward mar- riage across racial groups (Moran, 2001; Poulsen, 2003; 259 Usita & Poulsen, 2003; Wehrly, Kenney, & Kenney, 1999), it is understandable that the racial and ethnic differences are often focal points in the literature. Also, group memberships are often determined by one's ethnicity or race (S. M. Lee & Fernandez, 1998). Because many cross-national marriages may also be interracial and/or interethnic marriage, some concerns of cross-national couples are explained within the contexts of these differences. Sullivan and Cottone (2006) offered a wonderful review of intercultural couples, including the counseling interven- tions recommended and the ways in which this population is categorized and conceptualized by different authors in cur- rent literature. For cross-national couples in particular, it appears to be a challenge to find literature that provides a synopsis of this population, including similarities and differ- ences when compared to other intercultural couples, as well as counseling interventions that are supported by empirical findings. According to Cottrell (1990), literature pertaining to cross-national marriage was nonexistent until the 1950s, when war brides received substantial attention in the United States. Although the number of cross-national marriages has been increasing, this population is overlooked in current research (Adams, 2003; Cottrell, 1990). Cottrell reviewed 367 pieces of literature from various disciplines published between the 1930s and the 1980s pertaining to intermarriage. She noted that an average of 13% of these works addressed cross-national marriage but none of them exclusively studied the complexity of such marriage. Cottrell's review of litera- ture suggests that more research and clinical applications understanding the demographic compositions of cross- national couples will be important. Also, exploring the unique aspects of cross-national marriages when compared to other intermarriages will be essential. HISTORY OF IMMIGRATION AND CROSS- NATIONAL MARRIAGE IN THE UNITED STATES Changes in immigration laws are important when under- standing cross-national couples because these laws can have an impact on individual immigrants, their marriages, and families. Furthermore, these laws affect how larger systems such as society and community perceive immigrants and cross-national couples in the United States. The history of immigration laws goes back to the 1790s, when the Alien and Sedition Laws were first enacted (Immigration and Naturalization Service of the U.S., 1977). According to the Congressional Digest, the government did not enforce these laws; instead, it was likely to promote immigration in the 19th century. European immigrants, shifting ethnic groups from time to time, dominated immigration during the 1800s. The number of immigrants from China and Japan also amplified from the mid-1800s to the beginning of the 1900s. In response, some immigration laws such as the Chinese Exclusion Acts, Gentleman's Agreement, and the 1917 Act were enacted (Immigration and Naturalization Service of the U.S., 1977). Furthermore, the government established laws restricting the number of immigrants entering the United States per year. From the enactment of the first national ori- gin quota law in 1921 to its eradication in 1965, the num- ber of immigrants entering the United States. was limited based on national origin (Donato, 1992; Immigration and Naturalization Service of the U.S., 1977). With the Immigration and Nationality Act in 1952, existing immigration laws under went substantial revisions. These revisions gave pref- erence to immigrants who are relatives of American citizens or permanent residents (Donato, 1992; Immigration and Naturalization Service of the U.S., 1977). In 1990, the first significant change in the number of immigrants was made since 1965 by raising the annual quota of immigrants from 170,000 per year to 700,000 (“American Laws,” n.d.). The history of immigration also reflects the movement of cross-national marriage in the United States. For example, it is argued that an ulterior motive of the national-origin quota law was to avoid “inferior” racial groups from establishing their status in the United States (Sinke & Gross, 1992). Sinke and Gross (1992) also stated that immigrants from the southern and eastern parts of Europe were unwelcome because “undesirables would not mix with `Americans' and hence would continue to live in a world replicating the homeland, a world that adhered to values other than the American standards” (p. 69). Another example is also found in the history of Asian immigration, in that marriages between Asians and Whites were prohibited under antimis- cegenation laws (S. M. Lee & Fernandez, 1998). Although marriages of American citizens and immigrants have been discouraged in the past, preferential treatment also has been given to support these couples. For example, with the impact of World War II, the phenomenon of war brides dramatically increased cross-national marriage (Cottrell, 1990). In response, immigration laws granted spe- cial entry of war brides to the United States during 1945 and 1946 (Immigration and Naturalization Service of the U.S., 1977). Since then, military influence has been prevalent among cross-national couples (Cottrell, 1990; S. M. Lee & Fernandez, 1998), and a positive correlation has been found between the presence of military stations in different coun- tries and the number of foreign brides coming to the United States from these countries (Donato, 1992). Today, immigration laws continue to limit the number of lawful immigrants entering into and living in the United States and provide preferential treatment to those who are relatives of American citizens. According to the Department of Homeland Security, a total of 1,122,373 individuals became Legal Permanent Residents (LPRs; Jefferys & Rytina, 2006) and an additional 604,280 individuals were sworn in as naturalized citizens in 2005 (Simanski & Rytina, 2006). Of these LPRs, 14% were born in Mexico, followed by 8%, 6%, and 5% of individuals born in India, China, and the Philippines, respectively (Simanski & Rytina, 2006). For newly naturalized citizens, their countries of birth included 260 predominantly Mexico, Philippines, India, Vietnam, and the People's Republic of China (Jefferys & Rytina, 2006). It is important to note that these numbers do not include other foreign-born individuals in the United States, such as foreign students and refugees. The total of foreign-born individuals in the United States in 2003 was 33.5 million, comprising 11.7% of the United States population (Larsen, 2004). ASPECTS PERTINENT TO CROSS-NATIONAL COUPLES Family Ties, Societal Reactions, and Cross-National Marriage Although the world seems open to various forms of inter- marriage, engaging in homogamous marriage continues to be the practice in society (Kalmijn, 1998; Killian, 2003). When announced, some families of cross-national couples may become concerned about how they will be perceived differ- ently in their community as a result of their family member's marrying out of their group (Crohn, 1995). Differences exist- ing within a couple may not be an issue to them; however, their families and friends may be apprehensive about such dissimilarities (Cottrell, 1990) or perceive the marriage as a threat to their group uniformity (Kalmijn, 1998). Political and social relations also contribute to negative stereotypes toward particular nationalities, and, thus, often affect the couple's welfare when these prejudices are projected onto them (Cottrell, 1990). For example, stigmas toward marriages of American military soldiers and Asian wives exist in many Asian communities to the extent that these wives may not feel comfortable living in their hometown (Kim, 1998). Therefore, reactions from friends, colleagues, or the community may imply how a couple's relationship is accepted or rejected by different systems (Breger & Hill, 1998), resulting in strained relationships with others. Although the sanctity of marriage is often perceived as a personal and private matter in many industrialized countries, it is considered both a family and social affair in some parts of the world (Semafumu, 1998). Therefore, when immediate families and other relatives hold strong biases toward marriages between people of different race, culture, or nationality, tension within the family can be unbearable (Crohn, 1995; Romano, 1988). Couples of cross-national marriage tend to be connected with two nations instead of one (Cottrell, 1990), and this bond includes keeping one's legal status in two countries as well as maintaining closeness with both sides of the family. The development of the Internet, easier access to airfare, and growing international business sectors all contributed to the increase of cross-national marriages (Milk, 2000). Although the world appears to have become a smaller place, emotional distress associated with the physical distance with one's fam- ily is something with which these couples learn to cope. For example, the family of a foreign national is likely to have to face the reality of having a long-distance relationship with their family member who is in a cross-national marriage. The opportunity to share important life events (e.g., wedding, births, illnesses, and deaths) together as a family can be sub- stantially limited by the physical distance or travel expenses or both. Depending on the nature of these life events, the emo- tional distress experienced by both sides can strain family relationships in the long term. Place of Residence Adams (2003) conducted a qualitative study examining how the choice of residence had a significant influence on and meaning to cross-national couples. On one hand, living in a foreign country added more stress to some individuals in a cross-national marriage. For example, feelings of frustration and inadequacy, as well as an inability to relax or be one's “true self,” were emerging from an interview of a German national when she described how she felt about herself while speaking in English. Some foreign spouses who live in the United States and American spouses who had experience of living abroad stated that they experienced feelings of fear, loneliness, social isolation, and being an outsider. On the other hand, a Uruguayan national talked about how content she felt about living in the United States, where she was able to have a life she dreamed of but which was not available in her home country. Adam's study demonstrated how the choice of the res- ident country was associated with a wide range of emotional experiences between partners of a cross-national marriage and how such a decision subsequently could hinder or nurture the marital relationship. Other scholars explained how place of residence had an impact on the power distribution in a marriage. For example, Asian wives of U.S. military men were often expected to move to their husbands' home country and learn the English lan- guage and a new culture. While these foreign wives struggled to acculturate, their husbands often were “exempted from learning his wife's language and culture” (Kim, 1998, p. 311). A qualitative study conducted by Wieling (2003) revealed a similar finding. Spouses of Latino or Latina descent stated that whereas they had to acculturate into “dominant” society, their White partners had the “privilege” of deciding whether they wanted to acculturate into their spouse's culture. Perhaps deciding where to live is a common challenge among a variety of marital relationships. However, such decisions may come with greater consequences when two people from two differ- ent nationalities are married. Impact of Linguistic Acquisition on a Marital Relationship Choice of language spoken at home can create an unhealthy power distribution within a marital relationship (Breger & Hill, 1998; Romano, 1988) because its function is vital to communication of a couple, sharing of ethnic and cul- tural experience, and enhancement of the marital dyad (Usita & Poulsen, 2003). As for many foreign nationals, the extent of language acquisition also has a significant effect on one's 261 accessibility to resources and ability to live in a new cultural environment. For example, a lack of language acquisition can limit a foreign spouse's career options, as well as opportuni- ties to establish social support outside the marriage (Breger & Hill, 1998). In addition, a couple is likely to experience increased stress because of a foreign spouse's struggles with adjustment (Usita & Poulsen, 2003) or misunderstandings as a result of the language barrier (Romano, 1988). Breger and Hill (1998) further indicated that the extent to which cultural values, beliefs, and traditions are reinforced in a marital rela- tionship is linked to the language spoken between spouses. Moreover, foreign-born individuals who are less educated and/or have recently immigrated have more difficulty accul- turating and understanding the cultures and systems of the United States; therefore, they are likely to isolate them- selves from mainstream society (Qian, 1999). Consequently, acknowledging stresses surrounding different stages of accul- turation and linguistic acquisition is essential for optimal indi- viduation as well as a healthy balance in a marital dyad. Cultural Complexity in a Marriage As stated previously, the lack of language acquisition and acculturation often become factors affecting the interper- sonal dynamics (Breger & Hill, 1998; Romano, 1988). Even when the cultural similarities the couples share seem to overshadow the differences, some couples may still be con- fronted by a lack of understanding of cultural variations existing in a marriage. In the personal story of her cross- national marriage with a Chinese man, Egan (1995) shared the struggles she experienced as a wife and daughter-in-law. Despite her ability to speak her husband's native language, stress was accumulated over the years because of the clash- ing of perceived gender expectations, traditions, and roles of a woman. In addition to personality differences, these cul- tural variations created constant tension in her marriage and in her relationship with her mother-in-law. Another anecdote shared in Breger and Hill (1998) also addressed the com- plexity of cross-national marriage. A Jewish couple, a wife from New York and a husband from Scotland, received heartfelt congratulations from both parents, who embraced the shared religion. However, the mother-in-law soon dis- covered how her daughter-in-law from New York was not familiar with the customs with which her son was raised, such as serving afternoon tea. When the wife incorporated this particular custom into their lifestyle to honor the wish of the mother-in-law, her own mother criticized her for feeding her husband with “candy” instead of serving him a full- meal. These two seemingly common stories of this popula- tion raise a few important points. First, there is tremendous diversity and variation within cross-national couples, and it is difficult to pinpoint who these cross-national couples are. Second, a couple's shared language does not necessarily equate to their understanding of cultures presented in the marital dyad. Third, things that are seemingly minor differ- ences (e.g., the custom of afternoon tea) to one spouse or family may be more symbolic to the other side. Therefore, understanding from both sides of the family toward a cross- national marriage can help facilitate both the couple and their extended families to embrace the cultural, racial, and national identities brought into the marriage. Immigration Law and the Impact on a Marital Relationship As mentioned previously, the number of naturalized citi- zens in 2005 was more than 604,000 (Simanski & Rytina, 2006) and the number exceeded 1,122,000 for LPRs (Jefferys & Rytina, 2006). Of these LPRs, 259,144 individuals (roughly 23%) gained their residency as a spouse of an American citi- zen (Jefferys & Rytina, 2006). It is important to be aware that foreign spouses do not automatically gain legal status and work authorization in the United States by simply marry- ing an American citizen. Each couple is expected to proceed with the appropriate immigration process for a foreign spouse to gain legal status. Furthermore, it is not uncommon for cross-national couples to have an additional marriage cere- mony (both in a foreign spouse's homeland and in the United States) to meet the requirements of Immigration and Naturalization Service (Milk, 2000). As a newly reformed entity of the Office of Homeland Security, the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) pro- vides the information necessary for individuals from other countries to obtain legal immigration status, including becom- ing LPRs through marriage. Many forms are available elec- tronically to expedite the application process. However, the process in which a foreign spouse becomes a LPR or a natu- ralized citizen can require patience, a variety of paperwork, and sufficient financial means. The following example demonstrates the prolonged process that some couples need to go through for the foreign spouses to become LPRs. For example, an initial application to become a LPR may consist of several forms with detailed guidelines (see forms such as I-130, I-864, I-765, I-485, and G-325A from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security: USCIS). Because the fail- ure to complete the forms accurately may result in a several- month delay in processing the application or the foreign-born spouse being deported from the United States, couples may choose to seek the assistance of immigration attorneys. Consequently, this possibly expensive process can strain the fragile finances of a newly wedded couple. On the completion of the application and approval of the USCIS, the foreign spouse receives a 2-year conditional permanent residency. Within the 90 days prior to the second anniversary of their approved conditional residency, the couple must file additional forms, fees, and documents to remove this “conditional” status (see form I-751 from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security: USCIS). If the marriage ends in divorce, residency rights of foreign spouses can be revoked (Breger & Hill, 1998). Deciding whether to become a naturalized citizen may also require careful consideration and legal consultation from appropriate professionals. Not all countries recognize 262 or “ignore” dual or multiple citizenships. For example, more than 30 countries, including the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, and France, allow dual citizenship, whereas more than 30 other countries, such as Austria, China, Japan, and Denmark, prohibit it (“Which Countries Allow,” 2002). Therefore, for some immigrant spouses, becoming a natu- ralized citizen could imply the loss of citizenship in their homeland (Renshon, 2001). To make an informed decision, understanding the laws of both countries (the country where individuals hold the citizenship and the country from where individuals are seeking a citizenship) is crucial. For some, this naturalization process symbolizes freedom, whereas to others it could mean a feeling of marginality or a great sense of loss. Many couples of non-cross-national marriage can perhaps relate to such experience when they make a decision about their last name as a married couple (whether to take husband's name, keep one's maiden name, or hyphenate both last names). Similarly, but more profound, changing one's citizenship has significant meanings for the foreign spouse as well as for the couple in their efforts to embrace cultures and nationalities brought into the marriage. IMPLICATIONS FOR COUNSELORS As mentioned previously, cross-national marriage cannot be simply conceptualized within a difference in race and eth- nicity. In addition to the knowledge and awareness of race and ethnic relations presented in the United States, understanding of cross-national couples requires counselors to broaden their cultural competency within a global context. It was difficult to find literature exclusively discussing diversity within cross- national couples and counseling interventions specific to this population that are supported by empirical findings. Therefore, we also drew information from resources addressing clinical work with interracial, interethnic, and intercultural couples. Although it is important to assess cultural and racial differ- ences to determine whether these factors contribute to a cou- ple's concerns, counselors should not automatically assume that these differences become a source of stress in a marriage. For instance, a high divorce rate has been found in intermar- riages; however, identifying specific factors related to this finding will require more empirical studies (Kalmijn, 1998). There has been a tendency in the counseling profession to assume cultural differences are a source of marital strain (Breger & Hill, 1998). In the study of Kenney and Cohen (as cited in Wehrly et al., 1999), participating interracial couples primarily of Black and White intermarriage reported that racial and ethnic differences were not considered a problem within their relationships. However, these aspects became a source of tension when the couple needed to interact with the society where “people see the contrasts in what they look like and react based on the differences that they see in skin color” (Wehrly et al., 1999, p. 39). Some couples in this study also discussed the assumptions that counselors had toward them that were based on race. Reportedly, some counselors assumed that a couple's racial difference was a stress factor in the rela- tionship. Similarly, cross-national marriage is often perceived as problematic because of the fact that the American culture tends to assume “that deviation equals difficulty and which emphasizes problem identification and problem solving” (Cottrell, 1990, p. 162). To avoid making judgments and auto- matic assumptions about a couple, counselors must be aware of their own biases and attitude toward cross-racial marriage (Hays, 1996; Killian, 2003; Solsberry, 1994; Wehrly et al., 1999). Such self-examination includes recognizing one's emo- tional reaction toward different racial groups (Wehrly et al., 1999), the understanding of one's racial and ethnic identity (Killian, 2003), and the awareness of how one's privilege and life events impact his or her conceptual framework (Hays, 1996). These scholars make crucial points, and counselors working with cross-national couples will also benefit by engaging in an in-depth exploration, examination, and reflec- tion of self. Couples in intercultural marriage often exhibit a variety of cultural differences contributing to diversity within this popu- lation (Sullivan & Cottone, 2006). Consequently, a thorough understanding of the cultures presented in each couple that comes in to counseling is an essential element of assessment and treatment planning. When a counselor is knowledge- able about a couple's cultures, his or her assessment of the couple is likely to be more accurate (Hays, 1996). Hays (1996) also addressed the importance of recognizing ethnocentric views presented in the counseling profession: “Psychological theories, diagnostic systems, and tests of intelligence, personal- ity and behavior have routinely assumed Euroamerican culture to be the standard against which all other people are compared” (p. 19). Therefore, understanding a couple's concerns and cir- cumstances within their cultural contexts will contribute to establishing a therapeutic alliance. Furthermore, conceptualiz- ing a couple's dissimilarities in race, ethnicity, and nationality within historical and social contexts is a crucial element of the assessment process (Bacigalupe, 2003). Discrimination is ingrained in the society to varying degrees. Therefore, the therapy process can offer a couple the opportunities to explore how the perceptions of oneself, one's partner, and one's marital relationship are influenced by expe- riences of prejudice and oppression (Wehrly et al., 1999). While facilitating a dialogue in session, acknowledging and respecting the ways in which each couple copes with societal discriminations is essential (Killian, 2003). Gaining insights into one's outlook on race, ethnicity, and nationality will be empowering to the couple and thus promote self-advocacy. Therapy can also be an avenue for each spouse to explore one's acceptance level toward differences because tension within a marriage can be sustained, not because of a cultural clash, but because of one's intolerance toward differences (Cottrell, 1990). Moreover, it is beneficial for a couple to rec- ognize differences in views of oneself and one's spouse by gaining a better understanding of the cultural influence that can impact a person's value system (Hays, 1996). In doing so, 263 a couple can learn to negotiate changes that each spouse is willing to make and find a middle ground without compro- mising essential needs. Most importantly, helping a couple identify the strengths that transcend differences, as well as the challenges of prejudice and discrimination, is fundamental (Crohn, 1995; Wehrly et al., 1999). The couples that can face and work through the presented issues are likely to turn the dif- ferences into a source of strength in a marital relationship (Crohn, 1995). Consequently, acknowledging the resiliency observed in these couples that transform the difficulties into opportunities for growth is vital to a change process. In addition to the aforementioned, the following aspects may be specific to cross-national couples and need to be taken into consideration. First, assessment needs to include a history of immigration as it is related to one's acculturation process (Cottrell, 1990). Second, assessing the language or languages used between a couple and how the language of choice impacts the couple's relational dynamics is imperative (Bacigalupe, 2003). If available and appropriate, additional languages other than English may be used to facilitate therapy sessions with this population. Third, recognizing that a couple's concerns can be both “practical” and “relational” is important (Kim, 1998), because the acculturation process, including attainment of daily living skills, attributes to greater self-confidence and self-esteem for foreign spouses. However, counselors should not automatically assume acculturation as the treatment goal for the couple because “acculturation and assimilation are not the only desired outcomes for immigrants entering transcultural couple relationships, nor do they imply a healthier outcome” (Bacigalupe, 2003, p. 140). CONCLUSION As the United States becomes increasingly more diverse, counselors will most likely have some opportunities to work with couples of cross-national marriage. While discussing the aspects mentioned above with a couple, it is essential to understand that not all cultural differences become hinder- ing factors in a marriage and that solutions to problems are uniquely defined within each couple (Romano, 1988). In addition to understanding the degree to which differences brought by the spouses of two nationalities create tension, it is important for counselors to consider the strengths and assets presented in the marriage. 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Wetchler (Eds.), Clinical issues with interracial couples: Theories and research (pp. 73-83). New York: Haworth. Wehrly, B., Kenney, K.R., & Kenney, M.E. (1999). Counseling multiracial families. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Which countries allow/prohibit dual citizenship? (2002). Retrieved July 8, 2005, from http://www.uscitizenship.inf/citizenship-lib-dual.htm Wieling, E. (2003). Latino/a and White marriages: A pilot study investigating the experiences of interethnic couples in the United States. In V. Thomas, T. A. Karis, & J. L. Wetchler (Eds.), Clinical issues with interracial couples: Theories and research (pp. 41-55). New York: Haworth. Atsuko Seto is an assistant professor and a community counseling program coordinator for the Department of Counselor Education at The College of New Jersey. Her research interests include mul- ticultural counseling and training, use of creativity, and family counseling. Marion Cavallaro is an associate professor and clinical coordina- tor for the Department of Counselor Education at The College of New Jersey. Her research interests include issues in counseling women, career counseling, and the supervision and training of counseling interns.</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><ref-list> <ref> <citation citation-type="journal" xlink:type="simple"> <name name-style="western"><surname>Adams, J.</surname></name> (<year>2003</year>). <article-title>This is not where I belong! The emotional, ongoing, and collective aspects of couples' decision making about where to live</article-title> . <source>Journal of Comparative Family Studies</source>, <volume>35</volume>(<issue>3</issue>), <fpage>459</fpage>-<lpage>484</lpage> .</citation> </ref> <ref> <citation citation-type="other" xlink:type="simple">American laws regulating immigration and asylum. (n.d.). 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Wetchler</surname></name> (Eds.), <source>Clinical issues with interracial couples: Theories and research</source> (pp. <fpage>41</fpage>-<lpage>55</lpage>). <publisher-loc>New York</publisher-loc>: <publisher-name>Haworth</publisher-name> .</citation> </ref> </ref-list></back></article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>Cross-National Couples in the Mainland United States</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>Cross-National Couples in the Mainland United States</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Atsuko</namePart><namePart type="family">Seto</namePart><affiliation></affiliation><affiliation>E-mail: seto@tcnj.edu</affiliation><affiliation>The College of New Jersey, seto@tcnj.edu</affiliation><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Marion</namePart><namePart type="family">Cavallaro</namePart><affiliation>The College of New Jersey</affiliation><affiliation>The College of New Jersey</affiliation><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article"></genre><originInfo><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2007-07</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2007</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><physicalDescription><internetMediaType>text/html</internetMediaType></physicalDescription><abstract lang="en">Cross-national marriage is often included in discussions of differences in race, ethnicity, and culture, but its group identity and concerns specific to cross-national couples appear to be unclear. This article explores several aspects that are pertinent to understanding cross-national couples in the mainland United States. Counseling considerations including counselor cultural competency are also discussed. The need for more research and clinical attention to investigate the breadth and complexity of cross-national marriage is addressed.</abstract><subject><genre>keywords</genre><topic>cross-national couples</topic><topic>cross-national marriage</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>The Family Journal</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">1066-4807</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1552-3950</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">TFJ</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">sptfj</identifier><part><date>2007</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>15</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>3</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>258</start><end>264</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">069669DB9E32B4769CB55A57A2EBC593F748A4BD</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/1066480707301315</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_1066480707301315</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource>SAGE</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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