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WOMEN AND SUBSTANCE ABUSE

Identifieur interne : 001809 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001808; suivant : 001810

WOMEN AND SUBSTANCE ABUSE

Auteurs : Michael D. Stein ; Michele G. Cyr

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:455DF2D62D5E3AAE77CF200918D8C15D750E0EBA

Abstract

Alcohol and other drug abuse is increasingly recognized as a significant problem for women. Until recently, gender-specific research in substance abuse was woefully deficient. For many years, women were perceived as not suffering from substance abuse problems to the same extent as men. This perception, coupled with the intense social stigma associated with substance abuse, has created a situation in which women have been inadequately diagnosed, treated, and studied. Nonetheless, American women have begun closing the historic gender gap in drinking and using drugs. It has become clear that the motivations, patterns, and morbidity of substance abuse are different for women than for men. Women have distinct risk factors and reasons for beginning drug use. Female drug users are at high risk of acquiring and transmitting human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) to their social network via needle sharing, trading sex for drugs, sexual relations with steady partners, and perinatally and are expected to constitute half of all new patients with acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) in the next decade. Finally, women exhibit different alcohol-related and drug-related symptoms and may require distinctive approaches to recovery. Because the substance abuse complications that bring women into medical care are primarily due to alcohol, opiate, and cocaine abuse, these three drugs are the focus of this article. The epidemiology, the life experiences associated with substance abuse, and clinical screening issues as well as physiology, clinical consequences, and treatment of substance-abusing women are reviewed. In each section, gender differences are highlighted where relevant.

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DOI: 10.1016/S0025-7125(05)70559-9

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ISTEX:455DF2D62D5E3AAE77CF200918D8C15D750E0EBA

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<div type="abstract">Alcohol and other drug abuse is increasingly recognized as a significant problem for women. Until recently, gender-specific research in substance abuse was woefully deficient. For many years, women were perceived as not suffering from substance abuse problems to the same extent as men. This perception, coupled with the intense social stigma associated with substance abuse, has created a situation in which women have been inadequately diagnosed, treated, and studied. Nonetheless, American women have begun closing the historic gender gap in drinking and using drugs. It has become clear that the motivations, patterns, and morbidity of substance abuse are different for women than for men. Women have distinct risk factors and reasons for beginning drug use. Female drug users are at high risk of acquiring and transmitting human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) to their social network via needle sharing, trading sex for drugs, sexual relations with steady partners, and perinatally and are expected to constitute half of all new patients with acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) in the next decade. Finally, women exhibit different alcohol-related and drug-related symptoms and may require distinctive approaches to recovery. Because the substance abuse complications that bring women into medical care are primarily due to alcohol, opiate, and cocaine abuse, these three drugs are the focus of this article. The epidemiology, the life experiences associated with substance abuse, and clinical screening issues as well as physiology, clinical consequences, and treatment of substance-abusing women are reviewed. In each section, gender differences are highlighted where relevant.</div>
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<ce:simple-para>FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH INCREASED RISK OF ALCOHOL PROBLEMS IN WOMEN</ce:simple-para>
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<row>
<entry colname="col1">Family history, particularly alcoholic father</entry>
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<row>
<entry colname="col1">Severe premenstrual syndrome</entry>
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<row>
<entry colname="col1">Concomitant psychiatric diagnosis (depression, anxiety)</entry>
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<row>
<entry colname="col1">Lifetime use of drugs other than alcohol</entry>
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<row>
<entry colname="col1">History of rape or incest</entry>
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<row>
<entry colname="col1">Fertility problems</entry>
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<row>
<entry colname="col1">Heavy drinking partner</entry>
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<row>
<entry colname="col1">Eating disorders</entry>
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<row>
<entry colname="col1">Low utilization of prenatal care</entry>
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<ce:simple-para>BARRIERS TO TREATMENT TO WOMEN</ce:simple-para>
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<entry colname="col1">Opposition by friends or family</entry>
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<entry colname="col1">Inadequate financial reserves or insurance</entry>
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<entry colname="col1">Fear of losing children</entry>
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<ce:simple-para>TREATMENT PROGRAM SERVICES THAT MAY ATTRACT AND ENGAGE WOMEN</ce:simple-para>
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<entry colname="col2">Vocational skill training</entry>
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<entry colname="col2">Parenting skill training</entry>
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<entry colname="col2">Discussion of previous sexual abuse</entry>
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<entry colname="col1">Legal services</entry>
<entry colname="col2">Assertiveness training</entry>
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<entry colname="col1">All-female staff</entry>
<entry colname="col2">Psychiatric services</entry>
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<ce:article-footnote>
<ce:note-para>
<ce:italic>Address reprint requests to</ce:italic>
Michael D. Stein, MD, Division of General Internal Medicine, Rhode Island Hospital, 593 Eddy Street, Providence, RI 02903</ce:note-para>
</ce:article-footnote>
<ce:title>WOMEN AND SUBSTANCE ABUSE</ce:title>
<ce:author-group>
<ce:author>
<ce:given-name>Michael D.</ce:given-name>
<ce:surname>Stein</ce:surname>
<ce:degrees>MD</ce:degrees>
<ce:cross-ref refid="aff2">
<ce:sup>b</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
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<ce:author>
<ce:given-name>Michele G.</ce:given-name>
<ce:surname>Cyr</ce:surname>
<ce:degrees>MD</ce:degrees>
<ce:cross-ref refid="aff1">
<ce:sup>a</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
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<ce:textfn>Department of Medicine (MDS), Rhode Island Hospital, Brown University School of Medicine, Providence, Rhode Island</ce:textfn>
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<ce:abstract>
<ce:abstract-sec>
<ce:simple-para>Alcohol and other drug abuse is increasingly recognized as a significant problem for women. Until recently, gender-specific research in substance abuse was woefully deficient. For many years, women were perceived as not suffering from substance abuse problems to the same extent as men. This perception, coupled with the intense social stigma associated with substance abuse, has created a situation in which women have been inadequately diagnosed, treated, and studied.</ce:simple-para>
<ce:simple-para>Nonetheless, American women have begun closing the historic gender gap in drinking and using drugs. It has become clear that the motivations, patterns, and morbidity of substance abuse are different for women than for men. Women have distinct risk factors and reasons for beginning drug use. Female drug users are at high risk of acquiring and transmitting human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) to their social network via needle sharing, trading sex for drugs, sexual relations with steady partners, and perinatally and are expected to constitute half of all new patients with acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) in the next decade. Finally, women exhibit different alcohol-related and drug-related symptoms and may require distinctive approaches to recovery.</ce:simple-para>
<ce:simple-para>Because the substance abuse complications that bring women into medical care are primarily due to alcohol, opiate, and cocaine abuse, these three drugs are the focus of this article. The epidemiology, the life experiences associated with substance abuse, and clinical screening issues as well as physiology, clinical consequences, and treatment of substance-abusing women are reviewed. In each section, gender differences are highlighted where relevant.</ce:simple-para>
</ce:abstract-sec>
</ce:abstract>
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<ce:section-title>EPIDEMIOLOGY</ce:section-title>
<ce:para>Although almost half of all American women drink, at all ages, women are less likely than men to have consumed alcohol in their lifetime, in the past year, and in the past month. Population-based surveys estimate that 2% to 5% of American women abuse alcohol.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib38">
<ce:sup>38</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The 1993 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse found that 2% of women were heavy drinkers, defined as drinking five or more drinks per occasion on 5 or more days in the past month.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib82">
<ce:sup>82</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The Epidemiologic Catchment Area sample of five communities revealed a male-to-female ratio of 4:1 for heavy drinking; other samples have yielded lower estimates at 2.3:1.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib93">
<ce:sup>93</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Survey results depend on the interview questions and cut-points used to define pathologic drinking behavior. In all large surveys, men continue to outnumber women in problem drinking, but male-to-female ratios are lowest among younger age groups, suggesting increasing prevalence of drinking among young women.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib38 bib93">
<ce:sup>38,93</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Among women, those characterized as white, non-Hispanic are the group most likely to drink any alcohol, whereas African-American and Latino women have the highest rates of abstention.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib49 bib50">
<ce:sup>49,50</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
African-American women who do drink, however, are more likely to drink heavily and have alcohol-related problems,
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib113">
<ce:sup>113</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
despite the finding that the onset of heavy drinking appears to be later among African-American women (45 to 59) compared to white women (25 to 44).
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib69">
<ce:sup>69</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Race has not been shown to be associated with current alcohol disorder when other variables are controlled for. Rather, low household income has been shown to correlate with heavy drinking, as does widowhood and lower levels of education. One exception is that women in college are more likely to binge drink than women of the same age who are not in college. Women who work outside the home are more likely to drink heavily than homemakers, particularly those recently unemployed. Thus, class and socioeconomic status may be more important than race in delineating the epidemiology of drinking in women.</ce:para>
<ce:para>The prevalence of problem drinking for women of all ages is greater than in the past, but recently there has been attention to older women who may begin heavy drinking only in their later years. Although numbers are low, there is a high rate of widowhood in this older group, and in contrast to older men, drinking onset is more recent.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Older women are generally not users of illicit drugs. Still, secular trends suggest that as the cohorts who used drugs heavily in the 1970s age, there will be shifts in the age distribution of illicit drug users. In 1993, 28% of illicit drug users were over age 35; in 1979, only 10% of illicit drug users were within this age group.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Before 1914, women's involvement with drug use was linked to the widespread use of medications containing opiates. The majority of opiate users during this period were women, and although there were attempts to prohibit alcohol, there were none to outlaw opiates. After the Harrison Act of 1914 outlawed nonprescription opiates, new addicts tended to be men. Since the 1970s, however, women constituted 30% of heroin treatment programs.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Greater than 50% of women aged 18 to 35 responding to the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) Household Survey reported that they had used alcohol in the past month, whereas approximately 5% reported illicit drug use in the same interval.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib82">
<ce:sup>82</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Women are less likely than men to have ever used illicit drugs, or to have used in the past year or month, or to be regular users of any illicit drug. The major exception is that women exceed men in the use of medically prescribed psychotherapeutic drugs, as well as the nonmedical use of them. Men and women are equally likely to misuse stimulants, tranquilizers, sedatives, and analgesics. Misuse is most common among young, white, low-income women who are unemployed or working part-time.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib101">
<ce:sup>101</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Two thirds of long-term users of tranquilizers are women, and one third are over 64 years old.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib76">
<ce:sup>76</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Women between 20 and 40 years are also as likely as men to have used marijuana. Marijuana is the most commonly used illicit drug among women. In the NIDA Household Survey, roughly 10% of women under 35 years old reported marijuana use in the past month.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib82">
<ce:sup>82</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Longitudinal studies of substance abuse among women identified in high school have revealed that on reinterview 10 years later, there was a linear relationship between increasing marijuana use and use of other illicit drugs.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib123">
<ce:sup>123</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Therefore, the long-term effect of marijuana has been difficult to disentangle from polysubstance use. Again, regular drug use of all types is most common among women in poverty.</ce:para>
<ce:para>In contrast to adults, girls and boys have very similar rates of alcohol and drug use. Adolescent boys and girls are equally likely to drink or use marijuana, and girls now begin drinking and trying illicit drugs at the same age as boys. Thus, it follows that the highest rates of both alcohol and drug use among women are during the childbearing years.</ce:para>
<ce:para>The gender gap in drug and alcohol abuse is closing. During adolescence, girls and boys are now equally likely to drink or to have used illicit drugs, with the age of first drug use essentially the same. Historically, women have been protected by their later onset of use, but this gender difference has vanished. The percentage of men and women who abuse prescription drugs is equal, and 40% of crack addicts are women. Some of the pernicious outcomes of drug use are starting to equalize as well. In federal and state prisons, the number of women prisoners has quintupled in the past 15 years, whereas the number of men only tripled.</ce:para>
</ce:section>
<ce:section id="cesec2">
<ce:section-title>FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH SUBSTANCE USE DISORDERS</ce:section-title>
<ce:para>The cause of problem drinking is multifactorial. Differentiating genetic influences from environmental ones is not possible given incomplete understanding of contributory variables. There is a long literature on the inherited susceptibility to alcoholism. Most studies estimated penetrance of 50% to 60%. Although most investigators believe alcoholism is mediated by genetic factors, the question of how much variance is due to genetic factors alone is not answerable. Pharmacogenetic factors such as alcohol metabolism rates may play a substantial role.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Studies have suggested many individual environmental predictors of problem drinking among women. Certainly factors including socioeconomics, parental drinking, childhood experiences, friends' drinking behaviors, and individual impulse control play a role in enhancing this susceptibility.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Youthful experiences have been shown to be predictors of alcohol and drug disorders. Childhood sexual abuse
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib58 bib94">
<ce:sup>58,94</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
has been recognized as an antecedent of problem drinking as well as opiate and cocaine abuse. Alcoholic women are twice as likely as nonalcoholic women to have been beaten or sexually assaulted as a child.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib124">
<ce:sup>124</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Prior sexual abuse has been associated with prostitution, injection drug use, crack use, and unsafe sex. Frequent, heavy drinking during college years has been a strong predictor of later problem drinking.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib29 bib35">
<ce:sup>29,35</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
Younger age of first intoxication and early smoking are also correlated with later alcohol problems.</ce:para>
<ce:para>For clinicians, there are hints or red flags that should raise the possibility of substance abuse in patients
<ce:cross-ref refid="cetable1">(Table 1)</ce:cross-ref>
<ce:float-anchor refid="cetable1"></ce:float-anchor>
. Mental health disorders, particularly depression, suicidality, and sexual dysfunction; reproductive problems
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib121">
<ce:sup>121</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
; use of other drugs; a partner's use of drugs; and eating disorders have all been associated with chemical dependency among women.</ce:para>
<ce:para>All psychiatric diagnoses are more prevalent in female alcoholics than in female nonalcoholics.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib48">
<ce:sup>48</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The Epidemiologic Catchment Area sample found that 37% of women with alcohol disorders had comorbid mental illness.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib91">
<ce:sup>91</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Major depression was the most common psychiatric comorbidity among women. The relationship between alcoholism and major anxiety disorder in women has been repeatedly documented, but it remains unclear if the anxiety conditions are lifelong disorders or temporary conditions related to intoxication and withdrawal.</ce:para>
<ce:para>When women in alcohol treatment have been asked about their reasons for seeking help, the most often cited reason is deepening depression.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib37">
<ce:sup>37</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Rates of depression among alcoholics vary depending on the study subjects, assessment tools, and definitions of depression. The reported prevalence has ranged from 30% to 70%.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib100">
<ce:sup>100</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Several explanations for the high prevalence of affective disorder among female drinkers have been offered. The hypothesis that women self-medicate with alcohol once they start experiencing depressive symptoms has been disputed by Schuckit and Monteiro,
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib100">
<ce:sup>100</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
who found that most women with major depression had either not altered or decreased their alcohol intake after beginning to experience depressive symptoms. Whether cause or consequence of drinking, screening for depression is critical in primary care settings. At the same time, it should be noted that depression can mask the signs of alcohol abuse.</ce:para>
<ce:para>The combination of alcoholism and depression makes for high vulnerability to suicidal behavior.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib116">
<ce:sup>116</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Alcoholic women under age 40 were five times more likely to attempt suicide than nonalcoholic women.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib36">
<ce:sup>36</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
This accentuated suicidal risk begins in adolescence. Teenage girls who drink on more than five occasions per month are five times likelier to attempt suicide than those who never drink (26% versus 5%).
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib19">
<ce:sup>19</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Among adult alcoholics, the suicide rate for women equals that for men. Differentiating true affective symptoms from the pharmacologic depressive effects of alcohol is difficult. Feelings of sadness can be generated by a combination of alcohol and the social and psychological consequences of heavy drinking. Furthermore, many symptoms of depression (sleep disturbance, loss of appetite, irritability) are also reported during heavy alcohol use and withdrawal.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib51">
<ce:sup>51</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Heavy drinking not uncommonly follows the experience of reproductive problems.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib121">
<ce:sup>121</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Infertility, miscarriage, premature delivery, and early hysterectomy are all associated with alcohol use disorders, suggesting that impairment of reproductive potential puts women at risk. The association of problem drinking and sexual dysfunction suggests that women may use alcohol to cope with sexual dissatisfaction, or alternatively the dysfunction may be a consequence of drinking.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib35">
<ce:sup>35</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
In either case, women who are drinking heavily are less likely to use contraceptives and more likely to engage in unsafe sexual behaviors.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib68">
<ce:sup>68</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Cohabiting with a drug-dependent or alcohol-dependent partner may contribute to the development of addiction in women. This observation has been made for female opiate addicts, cocaine addicts, and alcoholics.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib39 bib51 bib65">
<ce:sup>39,51,65</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
There is a strong positive correlation between a woman's level of drug or alcohol consumption and that of a partner or husband. Female drug addicts are usually initiated into use by a man.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib57">
<ce:sup>57</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Yet women progress more quickly from initiation to addiction than do men.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib3">
<ce:sup>3</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Cross-sectional studies of women with eating disorders, including anorexia nervosa and bulimia, have documented prevalences of alcohol and other substance abuse at rates much higher than those reported in the general female population.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib4 bib62">
<ce:sup>4,62</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
Twenty percent to 40% of women being treated for anorexia or bulimia abuse alcohol or use it in excess. Conversely, women with substance abuse disorders report higher rates of eating disorders. Although alcohol is the most frequent drug used by patients with eating disorders, a high prevalence of cocaine has also been noted. This coprevalence may simply be an epiphenomenon of a psychiatrically diagnosed population who have higher rates of substance abuse than the general population as demonstrated in the Epidemiologic Catchment Area study.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib93">
<ce:sup>93</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The coprevalence is highest among young women in community samples. Dieting, routine among high school and college women, has also been associated with alcohol and other drug use. These cross-sectional studies linking the two diagnoses do not clarify the relationship between time of onset or changes in dieting and drug abuse.</ce:para>
<ce:para>One possible explanation for these findings is that both disorders are expressions of the same underlying problem; the alternative explanation is that one disorder leads to the other. These two explanations may not be mutually exclusive. The common underlying pathology hypothesis is supported by the finding that patients with eating disorders are more likely to have family histories of alcohol and other drug abuse.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib14 bib61">
<ce:sup>14,61</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
Interestingly, animal studies suggest that food-deprived animals self-administer drugs.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib15">
<ce:sup>15</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Thus, food deprivation reinforces the use of drugs. Some women use anorectic agents, and these drugs could act as gateways to other drug use. If one disorder predisposes to the other disorders, there should be a characteristic sequence of problems. Several small studies have noted that eating disorders usually antedate the onset of alcohol or other drug abuse.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib78">
<ce:sup>78</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>In one of only a few long-term longitudinal studies, Wilsnack and colleagues
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib122">
<ce:sup>122</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
evaluated drinking problems at two points in time 5 years apart. Several of the factors mentioned previously appear again. Persistent chronic drinking was associated with sexual dysfunction, recent depression, and never having been married. The only predictor of remission from a drinking problem was divorce or separation.</ce:para>
<ce:para>In summary, risk factors for substance abuse among women are different from those for men. Female alcoholics are more likely than men to have a mental health disorder, most often depression. Women who abuse alcohol and drugs are more likely to have been sexually or physically abused than other women. Eating disorders are more common among alcoholic women than other women.</ce:para>
</ce:section>
<ce:section id="cesec3">
<ce:section-title>SCREENING</ce:section-title>
<ce:para>In reported series from outpatient and inpatient settings, 8% to 21% of female patients screen positively for alcohol problems. Only 25% to 50% of medical or obstetric patients who screen positively for alcohol abuse are actually identified by their physicians, and female alcoholics are less likely than men to be diagnosed as such by their physicians.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib25 bib80">
<ce:sup>25,80</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
Moore and co-workers
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib80">
<ce:sup>80</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
demonstrated that although alcoholism is frequently missed by medical staff, the highest proportion of missed patients are women and those of upper social class or those who have mental and emotional problems. The underdiagnosis of alcoholism in women may be related to physicians' failure to screen female patients effectively or may be due to women being less likely to divulge their drinking problems.</ce:para>
<ce:para>There is no clear evidence that brief alcohol screening instruments function differently in women and men. Short screening tests such as the CAGE questionnaire have been tested in female populations, and test characteristics are comparable to those found in men.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib23">
<ce:sup>23</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Because the CAGE assesses the social consequences of drinking and social consequences are frequently the alcohol-related difficulties experienced by women, the CAGE is recommended. There are no data to suggest that laboratory tests perform differently as screens for alcohol abuse in women versus men. In general, laboratory tests have not been useful in screening for early alcohol problems. Clinicians who define a drinking problem in terms of quantity and frequency should remember that at-risk drinking for women is 10 drinks per week, according to the National Institutes of Health.</ce:para>
<ce:para>When taking histories, it is important to remember that occupational and legal difficulties, common in male alcoholics, are relatively uncommon among female alcohol abusers. Women are far more likely to report problems with family and health.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib12">
<ce:sup>12</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Finally, women are more likely to drink privately than men and to drink at home.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib23">
<ce:sup>23</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Health care providers must recognize the markers of female substance abuse and remember that symptoms of depression and anxiety may be clues to substance abuse.</ce:para>
</ce:section>
<ce:section id="cesec4">
<ce:section-title>PHYSIOLOGY AND CLINICAL CONSEQUENCES</ce:section-title>
<ce:para>Women alcoholics have substantially higher age-adjusted mortality rates than nonalcoholic women, ranging from two to seven times the risk. One longitudinal study of alcoholic women estimates that heavy alcohol use reduces the average life span by 15 years. This reduction is related primarily to liver disease, accidents, and suicides.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib102">
<ce:sup>102</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Because women who drink consume less alcohol on average than men who drink, as a group, they have fewer alcohol-related problems and dependence symptoms than men. Women who drink comparable amounts, however, particularly at high levels of intake, are more likely to be impaired than men, both immediately and over time.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib120">
<ce:sup>120</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>For the past two decades, it has been known that women are more susceptible to the physical consequence of alcohol use. In 1976, Jones and Jones
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib59">
<ce:sup>59</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
reported that women achieve higher blood alcohol levels than men after equivalent dosing. This was thought to be due to lower female body water content. Later, gastric alcohol dehydrogenase activity was noted to be lower in women, decreasing gastric alcohol breakdown and increasing the amount of alcohol absorbed. This may be the principal reason for higher blood ethanol levels in women. Alcohol abuse itself further decreases alcohol dehydrogenase activity.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Other factors that may influence blood alcohol levels include menstrual cycle effects on gastric emptying and an individual's decline in metabolic rate with age.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib40">
<ce:sup>40</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Research findings on the role of hormonal changes in alcohol metabolism have been inconsistent. Lower peak blood alcohol levels and alcohol clearance rates have been found in women taking oral contraceptives.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib34">
<ce:sup>34</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Even low-level drinking among postmenopausal women has been found to perturb normal hormonal status, increasing estradiol levels.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib33">
<ce:sup>33</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Most studies of effects of alcohol use on female endocrine status have been performed on cirrhotics, in whom liver disease may confound the results described.</ce:para>
<ce:para>For women, specific organ systems may be differentially affected by alcohol. There is evidence that progression to severe liver disease is accelerated in women.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib89">
<ce:sup>89</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Alcohol abuse is the principal cause of cirrhosis of the liver in all adults, but there is some evidence that women are more likely than men to develop alcoholic hepatitis and cirrhosis with similar drinking histories.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib66 bib106">
<ce:sup>66,106</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
Women progress to cirrhosis after fewer years of alcohol consumption than men (13 versus 22) and die from cirrhosis at a younger age, a phenomenon termed
<ce:italic>telescoping.</ce:italic>
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib88 bib106">
<ce:sup>88,106</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
The mechanism for this remains unclear. It is conceivable that endogenous hormones potentiate the effect of alcohol. Gender-specific biochemical differences in hepatocytes may also play a role.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib86">
<ce:sup>86</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The risk of cirrhosis increases significantly for men who consume 40 g of alcohol daily (three drinks) and for women who consume more than 20 g daily.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib23">
<ce:sup>23</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Moderate alcohol intake has been shown to reduce the risk of myocardial infarction in both women and men.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib64 bib87">
<ce:sup>64,87</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
The Nurses Health Study demonstrated that three to five drinks per week decreased the risk of coronary heart disease in middle-aged women.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib103">
<ce:sup>103</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The effect response is similar to that seen with postmenopausal estrogen replacement. It is unclear, however, what level of consumption confers maximal benefit without attendant risks or what constitutes the mechanism of the protective effect.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Urbano-Marquez and colleagues
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib107">
<ce:sup>107</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
have demonstrated that despite the fact that mean lifetime of doses of alcohol in female alcoholics was only 60% that in males, cardiomyopathy and myopathy were as common in female alcoholics as in men. The threshold dose for the development for cardiomyopathy was considerably less in women, and the slope of decline in ejection fractions was steeper in women, indicating that women are more sensitive than men to the toxic effects of alcohol on striated muscle.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Alcohol at three or more daily drinks is statistically associated with increased risk of breast cancer, but only a weak association is supported by the pooled data.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib53 bib70">
<ce:sup>53,70</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
At lower levels (0.5 to 1.5 drinks per day), no change in risk is apparent.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib118">
<ce:sup>118</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>The association of alcohol intake and hip fractures is meaningful for women. Felson and colleagues
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib28">
<ce:sup>28</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
noted an increased risk of hip fracture for women under 65 years old who consumed 2 to 6 ounces per week of alcohol. Falls and osteopenia may be contributory. Heavy alcohol use has been associated with osteoporosis by inhibiting bone remodeling in men.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib8">
<ce:sup>8</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Even heavy drinking, however, does not seem to decrease bone mass in young and middle-aged women, although this has been investigated only cursorily.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib67">
<ce:sup>67</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Rates of heavy drinking are more prevalent in gynecologic patients than the general population of women, perhaps owing to women using gynecologists as their primary care providers or because heavy alcohol use can trigger gynecologic disorders. Rates of amenorrhea, irregular menses, and severe premenstrual symptoms have been associated with heavy alcohol consumption.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib23 bib57 bib60">
<ce:sup>23,57,60</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
Heavy alcohol use has only minor, if any, permanent effects on ovarian function. Much of these data are from the early 1980s and have not been replicated. Alcohol depresses sexual function and has been shown to increase latency and decrease intensity of orgasm in women.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib12">
<ce:sup>12</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Alcohol consumption increases subjective sexual desire, arousal, and pleasure for many women, although it lowers physiologic arousal. Despite the general belief that alcohol acts as a disinhibitor, only a minority of women change sexual behavior when drinking alcohol at or preceding an individual instance of sexual activity.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib6">
<ce:sup>6</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Medical disorders, including hypertension, obesity, anemia, gastrointestinal hemorrhage, hematologic disorders, metabolic disturbances, withdrawal, and central nervous system complications, are well-known sequelae of alcohol use.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib84">
<ce:sup>84</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Men and women seem to be at equal risk for the development of these conditions with heavy alcohol consumption.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Nearly half of all motor vehicle–related deaths, suicides, and homicides and one third of deaths as a result of drowning or boating accidents involve alcohol. The degree of alcohol intake is predictive of traumatic death.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib2">
<ce:sup>2</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>The health consequences of alcohol use depend on the characteristics of the woman consuming. Biochemical vulnerability, age when alcohol is most heavily consumed, and pattern of consumption all affect clinical outcomes. For young adults, heavy alcohol use increases rates of accidental death and suicide; for middle-aged women, breast cancer and osteoporosis; and for older women, hip fractures. The combined use of alcohol with psychoactive drugs presents special problems at all ages. The
<ce:italic>telescoping</ce:italic>
of problems, the phenomenon of progression to serious complication after a shorter duration of heavy use, also creates different health risks for women.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib88">
<ce:sup>88</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
These gender differences in metabolism and increased morbidity and mortality are addressed in guidelines suggesting that at-risk drinking levels should be defined differently for women.</ce:para>
<ce:para>There are no large surveys documenting the natural history of opiates or cocaine use in men or women. Knowledge of the range of medical complications is based on case series and individual case reports. An added difficulty in assessing the precise toxicity of drugs of abuse is that most reports do not, and cannot, report standard doses because patient histories are unreliable and because concomitant multidrug use is common among chemically dependent persons. Female substance abusers in general report more health concerns and poorer health and perceive higher severity of illness than men.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib73">
<ce:sup>73</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Several studies have documented that after initiation of heroin use, women who subsequently become addicted do so in less time than men. When addicted for equivalent periods of time, women have larger habits and move more quickly to daily use.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib3">
<ce:sup>3</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The decisive influence of male partners may explain this finding because male partners are often addicts or dealers at the time women become addicted. Heroin use usually replaces alcohol and nonnarcotic drug use for women. Thus, as seen in alcohol abuse, women's addiction careers are compressed or telescoped.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Women addicted to illicit drugs often maintain dangerous lifestyles. Illegal transactions, exposure to a high-prevalence HIV population, and dependence on addicted partners often lead to sexual and physical abuse. Self-destructive patterns frequently lead to attempted and successful suicides. Suicide rates are higher among women substance abusers than other women and higher than for alcoholic men. Lifetime rates of suicide attempts for heroin addicts are 5 to 20 times greater than age-adjusted rates for the general population. Among adolescents who attempt suicide, those who use illicit drugs outnumber controls (no previous attempts) by 10:1. Depression and family problems have been found to predict suicidality in a prospective study of heroin users, but suicidality and overdose were not associated.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib65">
<ce:sup>65</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Most of the medical complications associated with opiates are the consequences of needle use.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib104">
<ce:sup>104</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
There are no documented differences in the complications of needle use in women compared to men. These complications are well known and include endocarditis, talc granulomatosis, hepatitis leading to acute and chronic liver disease, skin abscesses, and renal disease. Pneumonia is common, and alcohol and cigarette use increase the risk of aspiration. The resurgence of tuberculosis among injection drug users has been alarming. Latent tuberculosis has been found in up to 25% of selected urban drug-using populations.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib31">
<ce:sup>31</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Used by any route, heroin has been found to interfere with the normal menstrual cycle.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Cocaine's toxicities extend beyond its route of administration. With the arrival of crack cocaine, the medical complications of cocaine use have been amplified. There seems to be little difference in the effect of cocaine on women and men. The most common complaints that bring cocaine users to emergency departments are cardiac, neurologic, and psychiatric. Cocaine's toxicity is most likely related to its primary physiologic effect, vasospasm.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Cocaine has been associated with sudden death, cardiomyopathy, and myocardial ischemia.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib112">
<ce:sup>112</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Headaches are common among cocaine users, and high levels of cocaine may lead to strokes. Inhalation of cocaine commonly causes wheezing, pulmonary hypersensitivity reactions, and pneumothorax. Smoking cocaine has also been found to be a risk factor for pneumonia. Rhabdomyolysis, intestinal ischemia, and otolaryngologic complications are also common. Forty percent of homicide victims in one study tested positive for cocaine.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib43">
<ce:sup>43</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
In New York City, 21% of suicide victims younger than age 60 tested positive for cocaine at autopsy.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib74">
<ce:sup>74</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Female drug users are at high risk of contracting HIV disease because of the greater transmissibility from men to women, because women are more likely to have drug-using partners, and because women often have unprotected sex to finance their addiction. Seventy percent of women with AIDS have a history of illicit drug use. In addition, three quarters of AIDS cases in women are among African-Americans and Latinas.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib111">
<ce:sup>111</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Women drug users are at increased risk of acquiring other sexually transmitted diseases. Syphilis in particular has been linked to crack use. Female adolescents who use cocaine are 31 times more likely to be sexually active, 27 times more likely to have four or more partners, and twice as likely to never use condoms as other girls.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib71">
<ce:sup>71</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
</ce:section>
<ce:section id="cesec5">
<ce:section-title>PREGNANCY</ce:section-title>
<ce:para>The incidence of substance abuse in pregnancy has ranged from 0.5% to 25% depending on the mode of identification and intensity of drug screening.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib21 bib81">
<ce:sup>21,81</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
Most epidemiologic studies have been limited to single hospitals or urban settings. The largest focused population-based survey of 29,000 urine samples at delivery estimated the prevalence of perinatal drug use at 5.2% and of alcohol use at 6.7%.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib110">
<ce:sup>110</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The prevalence of alcohol use was highest among women with other high-risk characteristics, such as smoking, acting as a single parent, and low education.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib18">
<ce:sup>18</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Alcohol, nicotine, and most psychoactive drugs cross the placenta easily. Because of slow fetal excretion and catabolism, enterohepatic recirculation, and amniotic fluid pooling, even infrequent maternal ingestions may lead to prolonged fetal drug exposure. There are methodologic limitations to all studies of fetal effects of drugs of abuse because of confounding factors, such as multiple drug exposures, variable prenatal care, concomitant infections, withdrawal, trauma, poor nutrition, and undocumented doses and content of drugs such as cocaine or heroin. In addition, unfavorable reproductive outcomes are more likely to be published than studies showing no effect.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Alcohol crosses the placenta, yet its effects on the fetus are variable because of degree and timing of exposure, maternal metabolism, and interaction with other drugs. If a woman stopped drinking only after pregnancy was confirmed, early fetal exposure may still have occurred. Alcohol exposure (at the level of two or more drinks per day) during pregnancy may contribute to the observed higher rate of spontaneous abortions, higher rate of low-birth-weight infants, a threefold increase in preterm deliveries, and increased perinatal mortality.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib45">
<ce:sup>45</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
No safe lower limit of drinking has been established during pregnancy, and abstinence remains the recommendation.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Fetal alcohol syndrome is characterized by specific central nervous system abnormalities as well as physical changes and is associated with mental retardation.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib42">
<ce:sup>42</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Fetal alcohol effects may be milder but include congenital malformations, eye and ear abnormalities, genitourinary defects, and learning disabilities.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib95">
<ce:sup>95</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The number of children with fetal alcohol effects may be triple the number with fetal alcohol syndrome. It is estimated that one third of infants born to women drinking more than six alcoholic beverages per day during pregnancy have fetal alcohol syndrome.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib23">
<ce:sup>23</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Binge drinking is also a predictor of neonatal problems. In one survey, although nearly two thirds of women had heard of fetal alcohol syndrome, 70% of them thought it meant that an infant was born addicted to alcohol.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib117">
<ce:sup>117</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
This report from the National Health Interview Survey highlights the need for continued patient education.</ce:para>
<ce:para>There are no common standards for when pregnant women should be suspected of drug use, how use is to be ascertained, or how much use should be reportable. New York is the only state that records drug exposure on birth certificates. In 1989, 5.1% of birth certificates in New York listed drug exposure. The Pinellas County study testing urine of all pregnant women at first contact with prenatal care at public and private facilities found 15% of samples positive for drugs.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib21">
<ce:sup>21</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Cases reported by physicians in that study were lower than the number identified by routine screening, particularly for white patients, demonstrating that even when reporting is mandatory (as it was in Pinellas County), it is influenced by clinicians' beliefs and biases.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Standard alcohol screening questionnaires, such as the CAGE, are useful during pregnancy and most sensitive for women interviewed during the first 4 months of pregnancy. Drinkers tend to delay entry into prenatal care, which increases the positive predictive values associated with screening later in pregnancy.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib97">
<ce:sup>97</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Late and limited utilization of prenatal care may be due to a substance abuse problem and should prompt consideration of toxicologic testing.</ce:para>
<ce:para>A careful drug history is critical during the first prenatal visit. Substance use questions should be repeated several times during pregnancy as physician-patient communication improves. Before the increase in cocaine use of the 1980s, most hospitals did not systematically screen women or infants for drugs. This practice is now common, particularly at public hospitals. In some states (e.g., Florida, Minnesota), a mother who uses drugs while pregnant must be reported to a state registry. Several states consider substance use during pregnancy a form of child abuse punishable by imprisonment or removal of the child after birth. Issues of testing and reporting vary across hospitals.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib9">
<ce:sup>9</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Physicians need to familiarize themselves with the laws and regulations pertaining to their practice sites.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Urine or blood toxicology screens on mother or infant can detect drugs for several days after maternal use. Meconium screening detects cocaine and other drug use for weeks after use. Patients should be informed that testing is being done.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Cocaine passes freely through the placenta. Studies of drug levels in the fetus have been performed only in animal models. Most drugs do not reach as high a level in the fetus as in the mother, but transport appears to be greater late in gestation when placental blood flow increases. Opiates are detectable in the fetus for only 48 hours; cocaine is detectable for longer periods.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Abruptio placentae is a rare but severe pregnancy complication found in some studies to be associated with cocaine use. Given its rarity, it is difficult to establish definite causation by drugs because this would require a large sample size. Only one study has had a sufficient number of pregnancies to assess the connection.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib41">
<ce:sup>41</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The association between cocaine with abruptio placentae remained even after the authors controlled for smoking, prenatal care, maternal age, race, gravidity, and hospital site.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Spontaneous abortion has been associated with drug use. Because spontaneous abortion occurs early in pregnancy, however, often before knowledge of pregnancy, it is difficult to compare drug users with other women. Nonetheless, animal studies also support the suspicion that cocaine causes spontaneous abortions.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Shorter gestation is more clearly associated with drug use, and this association has been found for virtually all drugs, including marijuana. Cocaine in particular has been implicated.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib85">
<ce:sup>85</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Cocaine causes vasoconstriction and has been associated with precipitate labor, poor oxygen supply to the infant during labor, and poor contraction strength.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib105">
<ce:sup>105</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The fact that all illicit drugs appear to be associated with shorter gestation suggests that lifestyle is a risk factor and should be controlled for in future work because most studies have not controlled for age, smoking, nutritional status, and poverty level of the mother.</ce:para>
<ce:para>At present, the ability of any drug other than alcohol to cause congenital abnormalities is uncertain. In part, this is because most structural anomalies are induced early in pregnancy when exposure information is least clear. Neonatal cases of urogenital malformations owing to cocaine are the most clearly documented.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib17">
<ce:sup>17</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Other studies have reported intracranial defects, congenital heart malformations, and limb reduction defects in infants born to cocaine users. Most studies, however, do not control for other possible causes, such as tobacco or alcohol use, and collect cases nonsystematically. If these abnormalities occur, they are rare.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Vasoconstriction, high blood pressure, and decreased placental flow owing to cocaine may account for the ischemic and hemorrhagic lesions found in the brains of some exposed infants, but results have been inconsistent. The clinical significance of these findings remain unclear.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib26">
<ce:sup>26</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Several studies have shown that cocaine and heroin users have small infants. Low birth weight could result from a number of causes in drug-using women. Women may have poor appetites and nutritional intakes. Drugs could impair the fetus' ability to use nutrients, or drug use could cause premature birth. Maternal smoking also clearly has an effect. The proportion of births under 34 weeks has been found to be four times as high among cocaine users versus nonusers, and retarded growth was still associated with drug use even after controlling for race and cigarette smoking.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib125">
<ce:sup>125</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Withdrawal symptoms have been described for newborns of heroin-using or methadone-using women. Infants' symptoms usually appear within a day after delivery but may be delayed for up to 10 days. Symptoms can last for 2 weeks; they begin later and last longer for mothers using methadone. At present, there are no good predictors for which children will develop severe signs of withdrawal. Whether infant withdrawal occurs with cocaine remains unclear. Hypertonia, hyperactive startle reflex, tachypnea, and decreased sleep may be direct effects of cocaine rather than symptoms of withdrawal.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib32">
<ce:sup>32</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
It remains uncertain whether or not drug exposure increases the mortality of children heavily exposed in utero.</ce:para>
<ce:para>The long-term consequences of in utero exposure to drugs are beyond the scope of this article. HIV is certainly a life-threatening correlate of drug use that can be transmitted to the infant. Effects on neuropsychological development and social behaviors have been described but require further research.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Alcohol, cocaine, and heroin use during pregnancy may severely impair the newborn and pose risks to the mother as well. Alcohol and other drug use is involved in 75% of child welfare cases and has led to the surge in child abuse and neglect. The number of children in foster care who have been exposed to drugs has doubled in the past decade. HIV, perinatally transmitted, only adds to the damage.</ce:para>
</ce:section>
<ce:section id="cesec6">
<ce:section-title>TREATMENT</ce:section-title>
<ce:para>There has been increasing federal involvement in the issue of gender-sensitive treatment since the 1980s as federal policy makers respond to increasing numbers of drug-exposed infants. There has been only modest growth in specialized and women-only treatment units, however, and moderate increases in the number of women receiving substance abuse treatment overall.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib98 bib115">
<ce:sup>98,115</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Women are more likely to be poor and without insurance than men seeking treatment. Although men with alcohol problems outnumber women 2:1, the ratio of males to females in treatment is 4:1.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib44">
<ce:sup>44</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
This may be due to barriers in part, but it is also a result of case-finding systems that concentrate on convicted drunk drivers and workplace intervention programs, which disproportionately reach male alcoholics. National Drug and Alcohol Treatment statistics reveal a ratio of men to women in drug treatment of 1.8:1 compared to a drug-dependence prevalence of 2.3:1.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib63">
<ce:sup>63</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>When compared to men entering treatment, women are more likely to be depressed, to have encountered more opposition to treatment from family and friends, and to perceive higher personal psychosocial costs.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib1 bib7">
<ce:sup>1,7</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
Alcoholic women are more often divorced in the course of their alcoholism treatment than men.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib83">
<ce:sup>83</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Other obstacles to treatment include ineffective health care provider screening; inadequate financial resources; lack of child care facilities; fear of losing children; and internal barriers such as guilt, shame, and denial
<ce:cross-ref refid="cetable2">(Table 2)</ce:cross-ref>
<ce:float-anchor refid="cetable2"></ce:float-anchor>
. Although pregnancy may motivate women to enter treatment, it also aggravates feelings of guilt and may discourage help-seeking.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib22">
<ce:sup>22</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The most common reason given by both sexes for delaying help-seeking was the belief that their drinking was not serious enough.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib54">
<ce:sup>54</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>The inadequacy of treatment opportunities for pregnant women is clear. In 1989, of 78 drug treatment facilities in New York City, 54% refused to treat pregnant women, 67% denied treatment to women on Medicaid, and 87% denied treatment to pregnant women addicted to crack cocaine.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib22">
<ce:sup>22</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
The notion of
<ce:italic>one-stop shopping</ce:italic>
where one facility provides comprehensive services for women is appealing and requires programs such as mental health treatment, prenatal and gynecologic care, contraceptive counseling, job training, and pediatric services
<ce:cross-ref refid="cetable3">(Table 3)</ce:cross-ref>
<ce:float-anchor refid="cetable3"></ce:float-anchor>
.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib30">
<ce:sup>30</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Treatment personnel believe that women have a poorer prognosis than men despite the fact that there is no evidence to support this.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib109">
<ce:sup>109</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
This belief may create yet another barrier to women seeking help for alcohol and drug problems. Although most treatment outcome studies do not consider gender, those that do find little difference between the sexes in short-term alcohol or drug treatment outcomes.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib75">
<ce:sup>75</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) was the treatment most frequently used by American women, and its use continues to increase among women.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib114">
<ce:sup>114</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Thirty-five percent of AA members are women. For both men and women, social consequences of drinking carry more predictive power for entering treatment than dependence symptoms.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib114">
<ce:sup>114</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>There have been conflicting results concerning treatment outcome in female alcoholics with affective disorders. Studies of clinical populations find high rates of dual diagnosis in women drug users, up to 80% in some studies.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib48">
<ce:sup>48</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
MacDonald
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib72">
<ce:sup>72</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
found that a summation of life problems, not depression alone, was associated with poor outcomes. Affective disorders appear to affect men and women differently. Male alcoholics with a lifetime diagnosis of depression tended to relapse to drinking; women with a lifetime diagnosis had lower rates of relapse than women without such a diagnosis.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib96">
<ce:sup>96</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
This was true despite the fact that persistent depression has been consistently reported in alcoholic women long after the completion of alcohol treatment.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib52">
<ce:sup>52</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Concurrent alcoholism does not seem to affect treatment outcome in women with primary depression.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib55">
<ce:sup>55</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>The focus of alcohol and psychiatric treatment programs often differs. The goal of alcoholism treatment is to help the client stop drinking, whereas in psychiatric settings the psychiatric disorder is thought to be primary and the cause of the concurrent alcoholism. The difficulty in distinguishing the two diagnoses can lead to incomplete intervention of both and emphasizes the importance of developing individualized treatment plans. The great majority of studies of dual diagnoses employ samples of men only and cannot be generalized to women.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Over the past decade, specialized treatment units for women have been developed. Some report improved outcome compared to mixed-gender units in terms of decreased alcohol use and increased social functioning.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib24">
<ce:sup>24</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Some women prefer an all-female environment, which eliminates the problem of sexual harassment and facilitates discussion of past abuse. A history of childhood sexual abuse leading to distrust and shame hinders recovery.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib46">
<ce:sup>46</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Women with drug and alcohol problems who are parents and in a primary care-giving role face great emotional demands when attempting to remain drug-free or alcohol-free. Classes in parent-child relations, parenting skills, and vocational training have become standard offerings in many programs.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib27">
<ce:sup>27</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Some treatment programs are now accepting children into residential programs. Single parenthood, unemployment, history of physical abuse, and poverty, although not present in all cases, are often combined in treatment settings in which women not only seek drug-free status, but also custody of their children.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib108">
<ce:sup>108</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Relevant research on treatment effectiveness examines alcoholism far more than drug treatment. Drug treatment program evaluation has been characterized by a number of methodologic problems, including the manner in which patients are included, the use of control or comparison groups (research design), the type of information collected (measurement issues), and patient attrition. Individual characteristics generally account for less than 20% of variance in outcomes of any study. Successful patient outcome in most drug treatment studies is usually narrowly defined in terms of abstinence, avoidance of arrest, and employment. These outcomes may not be most relevant for women, yet data are seldom analyzed separately for men and women. Both men and women leaving treatment programs report their worst problem to be lack of money.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib73">
<ce:sup>73</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>When the indicators of program impact include program retention and client change, particular characteristics emerge as predictors of poor outcomes. For instance, female clients arrested for prostitution and those whose parents have psychiatric or drug use histories are often difficult to retain in treatment.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib79">
<ce:sup>79</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Programs for women that directly deal with sex work and provide family therapy retain higher numbers of women. Adding services for children and for dual alcohol and drug problem counseling also increases retention. Although programs that offer more services attract and engage patients, there is virtually no empiric evidence that differential treatment planning changes short-term or long-term effectiveness in terms of behavior change or relapse.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Studies of outcomes after discharge from inpatient treatment suggest that the process of recovery is not the same for both genders. For instance, being married contributed to relapse in women but not men, presumably because of spousal drinking behaviors.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib99">
<ce:sup>99</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Screening for spousal violence is necessary because women who return to violent relations tend to relapse.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib77">
<ce:sup>77</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Female addicts have often experienced unusually high numbers of negative life events.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib90">
<ce:sup>90</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Women who seek treatment tend to be coping with a large number of problems and have exhausted informal social supports before resorting to professional services. Most of their relationships tend to be drug related. One beneficial effect of treatment is the increase in the number of social supports for women who are often isolated.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib92">
<ce:sup>92</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Different patterns and consequences of addiction treatment may occur among different subgroups of women, especially racial and ethnic subgroups, but the literature remains too sparse to draw conclusions. Nonetheless, future subgroup analyses could have important implications for treatment efficacy.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Women who seek treatment for drug abuse are more likely than alcohol-abusing women to be involved in prostitution and to enter because of legal pressure exerted by the criminal justice system.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib79">
<ce:sup>79</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Although relatively rare in the general population, 24% of female inmates in state prison had used heroin or cocaine daily in the month before committing their crime.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib10">
<ce:sup>10</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
Coerced treatment has been increasingly used, particularly for women facing incarceration or the loss of children, although little research as to its efficacy is available. The shortage of treatment in prison is of great concern, aggravated by the rising number of incarcerated pregnant addicts. Two small studies of pregnant women found that enhanced methadone programs (with rewards for clean urines and group therapy) may improve the health of the newborn.
<ce:cross-refs refid="bib16 bib20">
<ce:sup>16,20</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-refs>
</ce:para>
<ce:para>Methodologic problems limit many studies of substance use problems in women, making it difficult to draw final conclusions as to treatment efficacy or appropriateness. Most large studies of screening and treatment have been done on predominantly male populations; cohort comparisons with men rarely take into account baseline gender differences. Only a handful of studies compare female alcoholics to female nonalcoholics. Similarly, in studies of illicit drugs, sampling problems limit generalizability. The sample sizes are usually small and the number of women studied smaller still.</ce:para>
</ce:section>
<ce:section id="cesec7">
<ce:section-title>CONCLUSIONS</ce:section-title>
<ce:para>Despite an increase in gender-related research, women remain the
<ce:italic>second sex</ce:italic>
in diagnostic definitions, theory development, and clinical trial involvement. Alcoholism in women has a complex etiology that includes biologic factors, family history, difficulties in impulse control, depression, and drinking by significant others.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Nonetheless, even in the absence of extensive data, recommendations can be made regarding clinical approaches to alcohol-using women. Because women have a lower threshold of dangerous drinking than men, screening and education are important elements of care and should be done for every patient. Because women see physicians more often than men and the prevalence of alcohol disorder among women who seek medical care is at least double that in the general population, health care professionals must be prepared to detect substance use and provide referrals. It is critical for health care workers not to attribute a woman's alcohol problems to depression. Family problems, an alcoholic partner, or a family history of alcoholism should serve as clues to a potential substance abuse problem. Educating women about gender-specific health risks and the different metabolism of alcohol in women is essential. This information, along with a risk factor assessment for problems known to be associated with problem drinking, allows providers and their women patients to individualize drinking behaviors.</ce:para>
<ce:para>Alcohol and drug use often coexist in women. Drinking may enhance the effects of other drugs or is used to prevent getting sick from drug withdrawal. Crime, violence, and physical and mental illness are inextricably linked with substance use. The age of first illicit drug use has dropped over the past two decades, and primary prevention must begin in the community. Finally, the spectrum of disease related to drugs of abuse is broad and often insidious. Health care providers must actively consider drug use when taking patient histories, performing physical examinations, and considering differential diagnoses to identify drug users before serious complications occur.
<ce:cross-ref refid="bib47">
<ce:sup>47</ce:sup>
</ce:cross-ref>
</ce:para>
</ce:section>
</ce:sections>
</body>
<tail>
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<title>WOMEN AND SUBSTANCE ABUSE</title>
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<namePart type="given">Michael D.</namePart>
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<affiliation>Department of Medicine (MDS), Rhode Island Hospital, Brown University School of Medicine, Providence, Rhode Island</affiliation>
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<namePart type="given">Michele G.</namePart>
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<abstract>Alcohol and other drug abuse is increasingly recognized as a significant problem for women. Until recently, gender-specific research in substance abuse was woefully deficient. For many years, women were perceived as not suffering from substance abuse problems to the same extent as men. This perception, coupled with the intense social stigma associated with substance abuse, has created a situation in which women have been inadequately diagnosed, treated, and studied. Nonetheless, American women have begun closing the historic gender gap in drinking and using drugs. It has become clear that the motivations, patterns, and morbidity of substance abuse are different for women than for men. Women have distinct risk factors and reasons for beginning drug use. Female drug users are at high risk of acquiring and transmitting human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) to their social network via needle sharing, trading sex for drugs, sexual relations with steady partners, and perinatally and are expected to constitute half of all new patients with acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) in the next decade. Finally, women exhibit different alcohol-related and drug-related symptoms and may require distinctive approaches to recovery. Because the substance abuse complications that bring women into medical care are primarily due to alcohol, opiate, and cocaine abuse, these three drugs are the focus of this article. The epidemiology, the life experiences associated with substance abuse, and clinical screening issues as well as physiology, clinical consequences, and treatment of substance-abusing women are reviewed. In each section, gender differences are highlighted where relevant.</abstract>
<note>Address reprint requests to Michael D. Stein, MD, Division of General Internal Medicine, Rhode Island Hospital, 593 Eddy Street, Providence, RI 02903</note>
<note type="content">Table 1: FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH INCREASED RISK OF ALCOHOL PROBLEMS IN WOMEN</note>
<note type="content">Table 2: BARRIERS TO TREATMENT TO WOMEN</note>
<note type="content">Table 3: TREATMENT PROGRAM SERVICES THAT MAY ATTRACT AND ENGAGE WOMEN</note>
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<title>Medical Clinics of North America</title>
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<dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">19970701</dateIssued>
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